150 years ago, on the evening of Tuesday 22nd December, 1863, a stunned Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Reed prepared to send a message that promised to send shockwaves through New York City. The commander of the 69th New York National Guard Artillery dictated the following telegram to be immediately communicated to the press:

FAIRFAX COURT-HOUSE , Tuesday, Dec. 22.

To the Associated Press:

Gen. Michael Corcoran died at half-past eight this evening, from injuries received from a fall from his horse. 

Thos. M. Reed,

Lieut.-Col. Com’g. 69th Reg., Corcoran Irish Legion. (1)

Brigadier-General Michael Corcoran (Library of Congress)

Michael Corcoran was perhaps the most highly regarded Irishman in New York. A dedicated Fenian, he had been Colonel of the 69th New York State Militia and had achieved notoriety when he refused to parade his men on the occasion of the Prince of Wales’ visit to the city in 1860. His imprisonment following his capture at Bull Run, when he was held under threat of retaliatory execution by the Confederacy, led to him becoming a national hero. His eventual release and triumphant return to New York in 1862 solidified his status, and as a newly minted Brigadier-General he raised a new Union brigade, Corcoran’s Irish Legion, which had a strong Fenian membership. Now, at the age of just 36, the darling of New York’s Irish community was dead. The news was received with the ‘utmost incredulity’ by all who knew him. How did it happen? The Carrowkeel, Co. Sligo native had not died at the head of his troops fighting the Rebels, or given his life heroically in the cause of Ireland. Instead, his death was caused by an accidental fall from a horse. (2)

One of the most detailed accounts of the incident was carried in the New York Irish-American, who blamed the General’s death on an attack of apoplexy. It reported that on the morning of the December 22nd Corcoran had been feeling somewhat unwell, but decided to proceed with the days duties nonetheless. Thomas Francis Meagher, the former commander of the Irish Brigade, had been visiting the Irish Legion for a few days and Corcoran decided to accompany him to Fairfax Station, where Meagher was taking a train to Washington. Meagher was travelling to the capital to meet a group of ladies, including his wife and Corcoran’s mother-in-law, and bring them back with him to spend Christmas with the Legion at Fairfax Court-House. Corcoran set off for the train with Meagher and a small group of officers; he bid his wife farewell, telling her that he would be back for dinner in the afternoon. (3)

Officers of the 69th New York State Militia pose beside one of the guns in Fort Corcoran prior to the Battle of Bull Run in 1861. Michael Corcoran is at extreme left (Library of Congress)

With Meagher seen safely to the train, Corcoran and his party rode on to Sangster’s Station to call on the Legion’s 155th New York Infantry. Here the General left orders regarding the regiment’s dispositions and defences, before turning for home. At this point one of his party, Lieutenant Edmond Connolly, noted that the General’s horse had thrown a shoe. Meagher had left his horse with them, and so Corcoran decided to ride his friend’s mount for the rest of the journey. After travelling only a few yards Corcoran turned to Connolly to tell him how magnificent the horse was, adding: ‘I understand that he is a fast horse when put to it, for he won a race on St. Patrick’s Day at Falmouth; and so let us have a bit of a race and test him.’ Meagher’s grey, Jack Hinton, had won a race during the famous St. Patrick’s Day 1863 celebrations while being ridden by Captain Gosson of the Irish Brigade- it is likely it was this horse that Corcoran was riding that day. His decision to test out the animal’s capabilities would prove a fateful one. (4)

Corcoran and his party broke into a gallop, with the General taking the lead. He appeared to lose control of the animal, an occurrence perhaps influenced by the old-fashioned English saddle that Meagher had on the horse, which provided less support than Corcoran was accustomed to. The horse charged forward, and the General waved at his companions to fall back, presumably in the hope of calming his mount. Disappearing into a dip in the road the party briefly lost sight of their commander. At about this time Corcoran’s horse apparently lunged to the left and the General was spilled to the ground. By the time his men came up the Sligo native was apparently experiencing violent convulsions. The time was a little after four o’clock; the commander of the Irish Legion was carried back to his quarters at the W.P. Gunnell House in Fairfax where he died some four hours later, having never regained consciousness. (5)

The W.P. Gunnell House, Fairfax, Virginia, where Brigadier-General Michael Corcoran died (Photograph Dave Sullivan)

Thomas Francis Meagher returned to find his friend dead. He later described the scene:

‘There, in that very room which I had occupied for several days as his guest…he lay cold and white in death, with the hands which were once so warm in their grasp, and so lavish in their gifts crossed upon his breast, with a crucifix surrounded by lights standing at his head, and the good, dear old priest [Father Paul Gillen], who loved him only as a father can love a son, kneeling, praying, and weeping at the feet of the dead soldier.’ (6)

The men of Corcoran’s Legion, who idolized their General, were given a final opportunity to see him. Meagher continues:

‘One by one, as the sun went down, and the last rays, reflected from those mountains that had been the witness of his first trial under fire, fell upon that pale and tranquil face, the soldiers of the Irish Legion moved in mournful procession around the death-bed, and, as they took their last look at him, I saw many a big heart heave and swell until tears gushed from many an eye and ran down the rough cheek of the roughest veteran.’ (7)

General Setting of the New Marker to Michael Corcoran in Fairfax, Virginia (Photograph Dave Sullivan)

Brigadier-General Michael Corcoran’s remains were taken to New York where they lay in state at the City Hall prior to his burial at Calvary Cemetery. To read more about the funeral service see a previous post here. His loss was keenly felt by the Irish across America, even by some with Confederate sympathies. One Irish Clergyman in Virginia wrote the following letter about his death:

‘…Permit me to sympathize with you in the death of our mutual friend and distinguished countryman, General Michael Corcoran. Though I differed with him on the great subject that now convulses this once happy land, though I could not endorse his acts as a General of the United States Army, still I loved him as an Irishman and a Catholic. I respected him for his devotion to the dear old land of our nativity; and in death I have not forgotten him for obedience to his Mother, the Holy Catholic Church.

I announced his death to my people on Sunday last; I spoke of him as a Christian soldier, and begged them to join their prayers with mine, while I offered the holy Mass for the repose of his soul. I can never forget the visits he paid me during his stay near this city. I needed not his star; I thought not of his rank in the army; but as the Irishman and the Catholic he was always at home with the Priest, and as such always got the “cead failtha” from me.

Our orphan children will not soon forget him: they will pray for him when, perhaps, he is not remembered by the busy world without. Their humble prayer will ascend to the throne of God for mercy on the soul of the generous soldier, who, amid the din and strife of the war, did not forget them in their hour of need…’ (8)

The Marker to Brigadier-General Michael Corcoran in Fairfax, Virginia (Photograph Dave Sullivan)

Michael Corcoran is today remembered by the largest American Civil War memorial in Ireland, in Ballymote, Co. Sligo. On the 19th October 2013 the City of Fairfax unveiled a historical marker dedicated to Corcoran at the site where he died. Michael Corcoran and his Irish Legion have spent much of history in the shadow of Thomas Francis Meagher and the Irish Brigade. Somewhat surprisingly he has never been the subject of a detailed biography, and his Legion have never been the focus of a published brigade history. Important work by historians such as Christopher M. Garcia is helping to redress this imbalance and hopefully will lead to further insights into this important man and his brigade in the future. (9)

* This post would not have been possible without the efforts of Dave Sullivan. Dave originally alerted me to the unveiling of the Corcoran Marker, took the time to visit the site and photograph both it and the Gunnell House for the post and also provided invaluable source material, particularly the Alexandria Gazette account of the accident.

The Memorial to Brigadier-General Michael Corcoran in Ballymote, Co. Sligo. This is the closest village to Carrowkeel where Corcoran was born on 21st September 1827

(1) New York Times 23rd December 1863;  (2) New York Irish American 2nd January 1864; (3) Ibid.; (4) New York Irish American 2nd January 1864, Conyngham 1867: 373-379; (5) New York Irish American 2nd January 1864, Alexandria Gazette 1st January 1864; (6) Cavanagh (ed.) 1892: 357; (7) Ibid.; (8) New York Irish American 9th January 1864; (9) Fairfax City Patch 18th October 2013;

References & Further Reading

Alexandria Gazette 1st January 1864. Death of Gen. Corcoran

Fairfax City Patch 18th October 2013. New Historical Marker in Honor of Soldier To Be Unveiled in Oldtown Saturday

New York Times 23rd December 1863. Death of Gen. Corcoran.; He is Killed by a Fall From His Horse

New York Irish-American 2nd January 1864. Death of Brigadier General Michael Corcoran. Arrival of His Remains in New York

New York Irish-American 9th January 1864. General Corcoran. A Noble Tribute

Cavanagh, Michael (ed.) 1892. Memoirs of Gen. Thomas Francis Meagher

Conyngham, David Power 1867. The Irish Brigade and its Campaigns

Michael Corcoran Find A Grave Memorial

150 years ago, as 1864 dawned, the veteran volunteers of the Irish Brigade came home to New York. These men had come through some of the toughest battles of the war but had taken the decision to carry on the fight. Some were motivated by a desire to see the conflict out, while others were taking the opportunity of a financial bounty and thirty days leave- a chance to visit their loved ones and friends. For some it would be their last January. 

Officers of the 63rd New York Infantry with their Colors. This image was likely taken in late 1863 or early 1864 (Library of Congress)

The Irish American reported on the return of the veterans. The first to arrive were the men of the 63rd New York, who came back to the city on 2nd January:

On Saturday, of last week, the remnant of the 63rd Regiment, N.Y. Vols., Irish Brigade, reached this city under command of Col. R.C. Bentley, whose officers are Captains Touhey, Boyle and Brady, Adjutant McDonald, Surgeon Reynolds, and Lieutenants Lee and Chambers. Of the returned, one hundred men are reported as having re-volunteered for the next three years or the war; and besides these, as a nucleus for re-entering on active service, a Company, of over fifty men, has been left in the field on duty with the Army of the Potomac, under command of Captain Boyle.

On Monday the remnant of the 69th reached home, numbering some 75 men, under command of the gallant little Captain Moroney and his excellent assistants, Adjutant J.J. Smith, Lieuts., O’Neill, Mulhall, Brennan, Marser, Quarter Master Sullivan and Surgeon Purcell and were welcomed by Col. Nugent and Capt. McGee.

The 88th regiment (Mrs. General Meagher’s own regiment), may, it is said, be hourly expected, under command of Captain Ryder, of Co. B.

The regiments having re-volunteered for the war were sent home to recruit and reorganize, which their officers expect speedily to accomplish. Colonel Bentley has informed us that, from the success of preliminary steps taken by him throughout the State, he hopes to be very soon again filled up; and from the general popularity of the officers of the entire command, it is hoped an equal success will reward the recruiting officers throughout. (1)

David Power Conyngham related that on their arrival in the city ‘the sparse and grimy columns were escorted by a company or two of the Sixty-ninth militia, and the immediate relatives of the members.’ On Saturday 16th January at Irving Hall, past and present officers of the Brigade held a banquet for the veteran volunteers and disabled soldiers of the regiments. The men first assembled at the City Hall around noon, before marching up Broadway behind a military band and eventually into the banqueting room. Those veterans who had lost limbs and were unable to walk waited for the others in Irving Hall. Around 200 privates were seated at five tables extending down the length of the hall, while the NCOs occupied the top table under the stage, where a band entertained the diners. The flags of the Brigade, both old and new, adorned the walls and a military trophy with the name ‘Gettysburgh’ inscribed on it was placed in the centre of the Ladies’ Gallery. Many of the women in attendance wore ‘mourning weeds’, signifying their attachment to one the Brigade’s dead. Mr. Harrison, the proprietor of Irving Hall, served the dinner which was washed down with ale, cider and whiskey-punch. (2)

Irving Hall where the Irish Brigade Veterans held their Banquet in January 1864 (New York Public Library Record ID: 1788347)

When the meal had progressed sufficiently Sergeant-Major O’Driscoll, who was presiding over the banquet, called in the officers of the Brigade led by it’s former commander, Thomas Francis Meagher. Meagher addressed the men, and his speech was followed by a series of toasts and comments from other officers. Colonel Patrick Kelly of the 88th proposed remembrance of:

‘Our Dead Comrades- Officers and soldiers of the Irish Brigade- Their memory shall remain for life as green in our souls as the emerald flag, under which, doing battle for the United States, they fought and fell.’

This was followed by the playing of a dirge, after which Colonel Nugent of the 69th came forward, promising:

‘No negotiations, no compromises, no truce, no peace, but war to the last dollar and the last man, until every rebel flag be struck between the St. Lawrence and the Gulf, and swept everywhere, the world over, from land and sea.’

More toasts followed, including special mention for the Excelsior Brigade, before Barney Williams sang ‘The Bowld Soldier Boy.’ The Fenian leader John O’Mahony then spoke to the assembled audience, and everyone stood while a dirge was played in memory of the recently deceased General Michael Corcoran. The evening concluded with toasts to the health of Father Corby, the American Press, ‘Private Myles O’Reilly’ and a humorous speech by Captain Gosson. (3)

After the banquet the men returned to their furloughs and their final few days before returning to the war. Over 100 men of the 63rd New York Infantry had re-enlisted as Veteran Volunteers in December 1863. Despite their outward commitment, at least 13 of them chose to desert at the end of their leave period rather than return to the front. For those who did go back some of the hardest fighting of the war lay ahead, as the Irish Brigade went through the meat grinder of the Overland and Petersburg Campaigns. Some would not make it- at least 12 of the men of the 63rd who occupied Irving Hall in January 1864 died, falling in battles such as the Wilderness or in prisons like Libby and Andersonville. By the close of 1864 the Irish Brigade would be unrecognisable, as the horrors of war seemed to drag on and on with no end in sight.

(1) New York Irish-American 9th January 1864; (2) Conyngham 1867:435, New York Times 15th January 1864, New York Irish-American 23rd January 1864; (3) New York Irish-American 23rd January 1864;

References

New York Irish-American 9th January 1864. Return of the Irish Brigade

New York Irish-American 15th January 1864. The Irish Brigade. Banquet to the Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates

New York Times 15th January 1864. Banquet to the Re-Enlisted Veterans and Disabled Soldiers of the Irish Brigade

Conyngham, David Power 1867. The Irish Brigade and its Campaigns

New York Public Library Digital Collection Record ID: 1788347

Around late April or early May of 1865 a photographer in Harewood Hospital, Washington D.C. exposed a photograph of a wounded Union soldier. The man, who still wore the beard he favoured on campaign, had been shot through the left shoulder during the fighting around Petersburg. His name was John Ruddy, an Irish farmer and sometime laborer who had been in the army for less than a month when he was hit. The images of Ruddy are testament to the realities of combat in the American Civil War. The effect of wounds such as these could also be long-lasting; the damage caused by the Minié ball that shattered Ruddy’s arm in 1865 would eventually kill him- three years later. (1)

Photograph of John Ruddy taken at Harewood Hospital following his wounding at the South Side Railroad on 2nd April 1865 (National Museum of Health and Medicine)

John Ruddy lived in Albany’s First Ward, making his home at 20 Clinton Street. He lived there with his wife Ann; she had also been born in Ireland and was already once widowed, having been married to Hugh Quinn with whom she had two sons. John and Ann married at St. John’s Catholic Church, Albany on the 6th October 1857. A daughter, Alice, followed on 5th November 1859. The 1860 Census records the family under the name ‘Rhody’. John, at that time working as a laborer, is listed with Ann, her two boys Bernard (10) and Thomas (8), and Alice (2). (2)

Photograph of John Ruddy taken following his operation at Harewood Hospital in 1865 (National Museum of Health and Medicine)

John enlisted in the Union army on 7th March 1865, perhaps motivated by economic factors and the large bounty then available for signing up. In his early thirties, he was a man of above average height, described as being a 6 foot tall former farmer with a light complexion, blue eyes and brown hair. He became a Private in Company A of the 63rd New York Infantry, Irish Brigade, and joined the regiment for the latter stages of the Petersburg Campaign. He was with the 63rd when it was ordered forward as part of the general Union assault of 2nd April 1865. The attack, which ultimately led to the capture of Petersburg and fall of Richmond, required the 63rd New York to advance against the South Side Railroad and capture it. Captain William Terwilliger, who commanded the regiment that day, describing their movements:

At 1 a.m. April 2 moved to left some three miles to join Sheridan’s cavalry. At 7 a.m. resumed the march, moving to the right to White Oak road, where we formed line of battle and moved upon the enemy’s works, finding them evacuated; continuing the march by the flank two miles and a half, reformed line of battle, and participated with the brigade in three charges upon the enemy’s defenses of the South Side Railroad. The losses in this engagement were, 1 commissioned officer killed, 1 commissioned officer and 6 enlisted men wounded, and 2 enlisted men missing in action. (3)

Surgeons and Hospital Stewards at Harewood Hospital, Washington D.C. (Library of Congress)

One of the six enlisted men wounded was John Ruddy. During one of the charges a rebel bullet had struck him in the left shoulder, completely shattering the head of his humerus before passing through his body and exiting his back through the scapula. He was quickly taken to Harewood Hospital in Washington D.C. where an operation removed a portion of his humerus but saved his arm, an achievement that was recorded photographically. He remained at Harewood until he was discharged from the service on 30th July, 1865. (4)

A General view of Harewood Hospital in Washington D.C. where John Ruddy was treated (Library of Congress)

John returned home to Albany, having seemingly come through his brush with death. Although he kept his arm, it was completely useless and he was forced to rely on a modest pension. Given the extent of his disability he decided to seek an increase; he was even able to produce one of the photographs of his wound taken in Harewood, an image that remains part of his pension file to this day. (5)

The image of John Ruddy that he provided when seeking an increase in his pension (Fold3)

Little did John realise that the bullet that struck him in the closing days of the war would ultimately prove fatal. It transpired that the ball had also passed through the upper part of his left lung on its passage through his body. As the months passed he began a long deterioration in health, which his doctor described as the ‘wasting away of his system’. On the 3rd June 1868 John Ruddy died, widowing his wife Ann for the second time and leaving behind an eight-year-old daughter. The photos of him taken in 1865, with what would prove to be his mortal wound, offer a rare opportunity to look into the face of one of the thousands of Irish emigrants who died in the American Civil War. (6)

John Ruddy, like many other Irish emigrants, was illiterate. Here is his mark on one of his pension applications (Fold3)

* Special thanks to Brendan Hamilton for his assistance in tracking down the source for the John Ruddy images.

(1) Widow’s Pension File; (2) Ibid., 1860 Federal Census; (3) Widow’s Pension File, Official Records: 728; (4) Widow’s Pension File; (5) Ibid.; (6) Ibid.;

References

1860 Us Federal Census

John Ruddy Civil War Widow’s Pension File WC117333

New York Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901.

Official Records of the War of Rebellion Series 1, Volume 46 (Part 1). Report of Capt. William H. Terwilliger, Sixty-third New York Infantry. 

National Museum of Health and Medicine Flickr Page

www.fold3.com

What was St. Patrick’s Day like 150 years ago? What type of groups marched in the Parade, and what types of imagery did they use? We are fortunate that the full line up of the 1864 New York Parade survives, together with detailed descriptions of the dress and banners of each Society. What emerges is an image of a Parade we would still recognise, down to street vendors selling cheap Irish imagery to revellers. However, just as today St. Patrick’s Day is often associated with the Irish love of a party, in 1864 the main focus of many of the groups was abstinence from alcohol. The post below provides a description of the event and also includes a full descriptive list of all the banners flown during the Parade, offering a unique insight into the imagery, motivations and agendas of New York’s Irish community during the period of the American Civil War. 

‘St. Patrick’s Day in America, 1874′ (Library of Congress)

All the newspapers agreed that New York’s 1864 St. Patrick’s Day parade was the most imposing they had ever seen. Attempts to commercialize the event were alive and well 150 years ago, with vendors at almost every street corner offering shamrock and miniature Irish flags to the expectant crowds. Cries of ‘The Flag of Old Ireland for one cent!’ were heard throughout the city. For those who embraced the occasion, the men could wear sprigs of shamrock or evergreen on their clothes, while women were decked out in green dresses or ribbons. The city did its bit as well- many of  the stage horses had the Irish national colors on their headgear, while the city railroad cars were similarly decked out. Everywhere from City Hall to ships in the harbor displayed flags and bunting to mark the occasion.

The morning of 17th March 1864 started out cloudy and overcast but the weather would clear up before noon. One reporter remarked that the streets were ‘wonderfully clean’ (before adding the caveat- ‘for New York streets’). As was usual the celebrations began with mass. A solemn High Mass took place in St. Patrick’s Cathedral at 10.30, with Carl Maria Von Weber’s Mass in G being selected and sung by the Choirs of St. Patrick’s and St. Peter’s. The Reverend Francis T. Boyle announced from the pulpit that the days collection was to be given to the Conference of St. Vincent de Paul for the relief of the poor. He then gave his sermon, which covered much of the history of religion on the island of Ireland, before touching on more recent times:

‘When famine came upon them [the Irish], if they were not a people of faith, they could never have upheld themselves in the hour of that dreadful calamity. Standing over the graves of their wives and children, their eyes streaming with tears, they still said, “The will of God be done;” they gave God the glory. In the land of the stranger they made monuments of the past which incited them to their duty in the present. The hardy pioneer of the West puts pictures of Christ and His Mother on the walls of his cabin, and tells their history on his humble beads.’

An example of a Von Weber Mass being sung in Church

Finally the time had arrived for the parade proper- the procession itself included no fewer than 20,000 participants. Assembling on East Broadway around 11.oo, the different groups began to arrange themselves into an order of march. Military contingents set out from their armories to the rendezvous. Some 600 men of the 69th New York were there, supported by 400 men of the 99th New York National Guard. The latter unit, which was led by Fenian John O’Mahony, had only received its colors the night before and had not yet been given uniforms. Other military contingents included men of the 1st New York National Guard Cavalry, the 70th New York National Guard, and the ‘Napper Tandy’ Light Artillery of Brooklyn. With everyone finally in some semblance of order, at 12.20 a signal gun was fired at the junction of East Broadway and Grand St. by command of Sergeant Major Mulqueen and men of the 4th Artillery. With that, the hordes of military and civic societies began their march. It would take them down East Broadway and Chatham Street to the City Hall Park and beyond. The order in which the military led the parade is set out in the table below.

Table 1. Military Procession Order of March, St. Patrick’s Day 1864 (after New York Irish-American)

Statue of Father Theobald Mathew on Dublin’s O’Connell Street. He founded the Abstinence Movement in Cork in 1838 which spread to the United States. Members took ‘The Pledge’ to remain sober for life. (Image via Wikipedia)

Following the large military contingent came the Civic Procession, headed by the Grand Marshal. Their order of march was as follows:

Table 2. Civic Procession Order of March, St. Patrick’s Day 1864 (after New York Irish-American)

Throughout the parade the streets were thronged with spectators- it was remarked that there was a ‘total absence of cases of intoxication’ among them, a factor perhaps influenced by the large number of abstinence societies taking part. After the march passed through the Park they were reviewed by the Mayor, Common Council and heads of the Municipal government. A salute of 17 guns was fired under the command of Captain James McMahon, before the column moved up Broadway to Union Square. Here the huge parade saluted the statue of Washington before passing down 14th Street, 7th Avenue, 23rd Street, 1st Avenue, 9th Street and finally onto 4th Avenue where the marchers finally broke up. In total it took the procession an hour and a half to pass any given point.

Even New York’s Navy Yard had got in on the act that St. Patrick’s Day. The ships played national Irish airs that morning, while a procession of laborers and mechanics belonging to Brooklyn’s Hibernian Societies visited the Yard for a reception. Throughout the city that evening many of the groups had dinners to celebrate the feast day- the Sons of St. Patrick went to the Astor House, while the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick retired to Delmonicos. The New York Irish-American recorded the details of the parade in incredible detail. We are extremely fortunate in that they also described the uniforms, flags and banners of the participants. This offers us a unique social insight into the imagery of Irish emigrant groups in 1864 and their efforts to highlight their dual allegiances to both the United States and Ireland. These remarkable descriptions have been condensed for readers below, with the dress, banners and mottoes of each of the Society’s in the march described in turn.

A scarlet Phrygian Cap, similar to that worn by many Temperance Cadets on St. Patrick’s Day, 1864. (Image via Wikipedia).

The Uniforms, Banners, Flags and Mottos

THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER CLUB: The members all wore green and gold badges with the name of the society on them. They carried their banners on a truck drawn by eight grey horses. On the front of the truck was the inscription ‘The Union of States- One an inseparable-Now and Forever’, while on each side was ‘On our side is Virtue and Erin: On theirs is the Saxon and Guilt’ and ‘The Union and the Constitution- One and Inseparable.’ The end of the truck bore ‘The Green above the Red.’ The flags of Ireland and the United States were carried with the banner of the society, which on one side had the Maid of Erin below an Eagle which carried a scroll inscribed: ‘T.F. Meagher Club. Protection in Sickness- Sympathy in Death.’ The reverse of the banner showed a sick room with members of the club providing relief. A second banner had an image of Thomas Francis Meagher with the inscription: ‘We Honor the Patriot.’ and underneath ‘Presented to the T.F. Meagher Club, January 19, 1853, by a Committee of Ladies Favorable to their Cause.’

TEMPERANCE CADETS OF THE VISITATION OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN MARY, SOUTH BROOKLYN: The boys wore a uniform of a green shirt and cap with black pants. Their drum corps wore white uniforms trimmed in green. They carried a white banner with the inscription: ‘Temerpance Cadets of the Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, South Brooklyn.’ A second banner was inscribed: ‘All’s right- Dad’s sober’, while other banners carried religious phrases. Also among their ranks was a green flag and the Stars and Stripes.

FATHER MATHEW TEMPERANCE AND BENEVOLENCE SOCIETY NO. 1, SOUTH BROOKLYN: Members wore green and gold regalia. Their banner had on the obverse a figure of Father Mathew with a sunburst and round tower. Over this was the name of the Society and it’s date of incorporation, December 1861. On the reverse was a representation of the Visitation and the inscription ‘We visit our sick and bury our dead.’ The staff of the banner was adorned with a wreath presented by the ladies of South Brooklyn. The banner was carried with an Irish flag displaying the harp and sunburst at its centre and the Union flag. Two other silk banners were also carried by members.

TEMPERANCE CADETS OF THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION: They wore green and white shirts with crimson Phrygian caps trimmed with green. Their banner had an image of the Immaculate Conception, and they also carried the flags of Ireland and the United States.

IMMACULATE CONCEPTION TEMPERANCE AND BENEVOLENCE SOCIETY: The men all wore regalia. Their banner, which was surmounted by a large gilt eagle and bore green streamers, was carried on a truck drawn by four grey horses. The obverse of the banner carried a picture of the Immaculate Conception and a scroll reading ‘Immaculate Conception Total Abstinence Benefit Society. Organized July 10, 1862.’ The reverse had a representation of the Reverend Dr. Morrow administering the temperance pledge to a group of people, with a view of the Church of the Immaculate Conception and parochial house. Underneath was the inscription: ‘Be sober and watch, for you adversary, the devil, as a roaring lion, goeth about seeking whom he may devour.’ Another banner bore two Irish wolfhounds supporting a shield quartered with the arms of Ireland and the United States. It also had the name of the Society on it and the motto: ‘Gentle when Stroked- Fierce when Provoked.’ Also among the ranks was a silk United States flag carrying the name of the society and an Irish tricolour of ‘green, white and yellow.’ Another Stars and Stripes and green flag made up the society’s banners.

LONGSHOREMEN’S UNION BENEVOLENT SOCIETY: Members wore green and gold regalia and rosettes. Their banner carried a representation of a ship receiving her load (lading) with the inscription: ‘Longshoremens’ Union Benevolent Society: Organised Oct.13 1844; Chartered March 13, 1853.’ The reserve showed members of the society visiting a sick man and the motto: ‘Union, Protection, and Benevolence.’ The Society’s second banner had on the obverse representations of Jackson and Lafayette and a shield emblazoned with the flags of all nations. Two clasped hands carried the motto ‘Unity’. Flags of Ireland and the United States were also carried. In the background was a view of the Battery (on Manhattan) with the inscription: ‘Longshoremens’ U.B. Society. We know no Distinction but that of Merit.’ On the reverse was Hope with a horn of plenty and holding two little children by the hands, together with members of the Society in procession. Over the scene was the inscription ‘Whatsoever you do unto one of those Little Ones, the same you do also to Me.’ The Stars and Stripes, green flag and more banners followed.

QUARRYMAN’S U.B. SOCIETY: Members wore green and silver regalia and carried two banners. The first bore figures of O’Connell and Washington on the obverse, with a scroll reading: ‘Quarrymen’s Union Protective Society; Chartered May 13, 1850.’ The reverse depicted Columbus landing with the motto: ‘United we stand- Divided we fall.’ The Society’s second banner had a good Samaritan on the obverse with the name of the society. The reverse showed members assisting a sick man, with the motto: ‘We visit the sick and bury the dead.’ The Society also carried a United States flag.

TEMPERANCE CADETS OF BROOKLYN E.D.: The cadets wore green shirts with black belts and pants and had crimson Phrygian caps. They had a white banner edged with green and crimson which bore the inscription:’ Total Abstinence Cadets. Presented by the Father Mathew T.A.B. Society of Brooklyn E.D., March 17, 1864.’ They also carried a green flag and the Stars and Stripes.

FATHER MATHEW TEMPERANCE AND BENEVOLENCE SOCIETY NO.3, BROOKLYN E.D.: Members wore green and gold regalia ornamented with harps and stars along with green, white and crimson rosettes. They wore their temperance medals on their left breast. Their banner was made of green silk and on the obverse had a depiction of Ireland (represented by a beautiful woman) mourning over a harp. In the background was a lake and ruined tower. There were fountains of water on each side, and over all was an inscription: ‘I saw, I signed, I conquered’ underneath which was written ‘Father Mathew, though dead, still lives in the hearts of his followers.’ The reverse of the banner had a representation of Father Mathew administering the temperance pledge, while the Maid of Erin played a harp surrounded by a blaze of glory. The inscription on that side read: ‘Father Mathew Total Abstinence Benefit Society, No. 3 Brooklyn, E.D. Organized July 6, 1863, Chartered Sept. 16, 1863.’ In addition to the banner the society carried two Irish and two United States flags. Interestingly the entire Society had been photographed on St. Patricks Day prior to taking part in the march. The image was exposed by Jackson at the corner of North 9th and 2nd Streets, Williamsburgh- it is unclear if any copies survive.

DUNGANNON VOLUNTEERS OF 1782: Members wore the 1782 uniform.

HIBERNIAN BENEVOLENT SOCIETY: Members wore green and gold regalia with rosettes. Their banner was carried on a truck drawn by six grey horses and it’s staff was decorated with crimson and green streamers, with a large gilt eagle on top. The staff also carried a wreath of flowers. On the obverse was depiction of O’Connell and Washington along with the harp and Eagle. It carried the motto: ‘United we stand- Divided we fall.’ The reverse had an image of Jackson with a Phoenix and the combined arms of the United States and Ireland, and was inscribed: ‘Our duty is to aid and protect the afflicted.’ In addition the Society carried two silk United States flags.

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.1: Their banner was carried on a car drawn by eight grey horses with plumed headgear. The front of the car had an image of Washington and Lafayette with an eagle and the combined arms of the United States and Ireland. The reverse of the car had O’Connell and Sarsfield, on either side of a harp draped in the American flag and the motto: ‘Faith, Hope and Charity; Under these we Conquer.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.2: Their banner had on the obverse a shamrock covered rock in the midst of waves, surmounted by an eagle and sunburst. It carried the motto: ‘United we stand-Divided we fall’, underneath which was written: ‘Ireland! vast is the ocean that divides us- But boundless the love that unites us.’ The reverse of the banner depicted Washington crossing the Delaware and the inscription ‘We relieve our sick and bury our dead.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.3: The banner carried on its obverse and image of St. Patrick and the Maid of Erin, with inscription ‘Let Friendship Flourish’ above, and ‘We visit the sick and bury the dead’ below. The reverse showed Brian Boru and the words ‘Let Erin Remember the Days of Brian the Brave.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.4: The banner carried an image of Patrick Sarsfield on the front, wearing full armour and destroying a serpent, along with the legend: ‘He was Ireland’s glory and the terror of her enemies.’ The reverse showed Charles Carroll of Carrollton signing the Declaration of Independence and the motto: ‘We honor the heroes of ’76.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.5: The front of the banner carried St. Patrick and ‘King Malachi’ in full armour. A scroll over them bore the name of the Society and a quotation from Moore: ‘Let Erin remember the days of old. Ere her faithless sons betrayed her, When Malachi wore the collar of gold, Which he won from the proud invader.’ The reverse carried the Maid of Erin weeping over a harp, along with Grattan in the uniform of the 1782 Volunteers. This side had a quotation from Davis: ‘When Grattan rose, none dared oppose The claim he made for Freedom.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.6: The banner carried St. Patrick on the front, preaching before the Royal assemblage of Ireland at Tara. It had the inscription ‘We support the sick, and bury the dead.’ The reverse had an image of Marshal McMahon with a harp and the legend: ‘Here I am, and here I shall remain.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.7: On the obverse the banner had a representation of St. Patrick and Robert Emmet with the couplet: ‘Oh, list ye the Joyful news that’s wafted o’er the sea; There’s life in Holy Ireland yet, and love of Liberty.’ The reverse carried General Jackson and the legend: ‘Ireland- the land of my forefathers.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.8: The Society’s banner had Daniel O’Connell standing on the steps of Derrynane on the front and the inscription ‘We support our sick and bury our dead.’ The reverse carried Brian Boru and the Maid of Erin.

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.9: One the obverse of the banner was an image of Hugh O’Neill in complete armour and on horseback. Across his shoulder he wore a green scarf with the red hand of Ulster emblazoned on it. The Maid of Erin appeared on the reverse with the inscription ‘We support our sick and bury our dead.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.10: The banner they carried had Thomas Francis Meagher on the front, along with a harp resting on a rock and entwined with wreaths of shamrocks. The reverse carried the Maid of Erin under the quotations: ‘This freedom now so seldom wakes, The only throb she gives, Is when some heart, indignant, breaks, To show that still she lives.’ The banner also carried a depiction of the surrender of Cornwallis and ‘In Union there is Strength.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.11: The banner depicted O’Connell and Washington on the obverse with Jackson and Montgomery on the reverse. The reverse also had the shields of America and Ireland and the mottos: ‘United we stand- Divided we fall’ and ‘We visit the sick and bury the dead.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.12: On the obverse of their banner was Lord Edward Fitzgerald and General Jackson along with the Irish harp and the quote ‘Let Erin Remember the Days of Brian the Brave.’ The reverse showed Columbus landing in American and the motto ‘United we stand- Divided we fall.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.13: The front of the Society’s banner depicted O’Connell and Washington with the motto ‘United we stand- Divided we fall.’ The reverse had a sick member of the society being given relief, with ‘We support our sick and bury our dead.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.14: On the obverse of the banner was O’Connell and Washington along with the motto ‘Let friendship Flourish.’ The reverse had Sarsfield and Jackson and the inscription: ‘Humanity, Fidelity, and Love.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.15: The front of the banner had representations of O’Connell and Washington with an Irish harp surmounted by an eagle. Between them and underneath the American shield was the motto ‘Let Friendship Flourish.’ The reverse carried Ireland (a beautiful woman) leaning on a harp, together with ‘Humanity, Fidelity, and Love.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.16: The Society’s banner had Hibernia and St, Patrick on the front with an allegorical representation of friendship between them. The reverse showed members of the Order helping a sick brother and the inscription ‘United we stand- Divided we fall’ and ‘We relieve the sick- We bury the dead.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.17: On the front of the banner was Washington and Patrick Henry with the inscription ‘We protect the Constitution and the Adopted Citizen.’ The reverse showed St. Patrick bestowing his benediction on the Maid of Erin underneath the inscription ‘We support out sick and bury our dead.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.18: Their banner was carried on a truck drawn by ten grey horses. Marching alongside were two pipers playing national airs. The banner itself had a figure of O’Connell on the obverse, with an Irish wolfhound by his side. The reverse had a large harp over a stag and tower, along with the motto: ‘Let the World be our Republic.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.19: The front of the banner showed the capture of Major Andre (during the War of Independence) with the quotation ‘We pledged our Lives, our Fortunes, and Sacred Honor’ underneath. The reverse depicted the Vale of Avoca and the words ‘On our side is Virtue and Erin; On theirs is the Saxon and Guilt.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.20: The banner showed Brian Boru defeating the Danes on the front, with the verse: ‘Long his loss shall Erin weep, Ne’er again his likeness see. Long her strains in sorrow steep- Strains of Immortality.’ The reverse of the flag showed St. Patrick.

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.21: The obverse of the banner had an armed depiction of Hugh O’Neill with the inscription: ‘O’Neill, the Pride of his Country, and the Terror of her Enemies.’ The reverse showed St. Patrick and the Maid of Erin along with the verse: ‘And as buried Saints have given perfume To shrines where they’ve been lying. So our hearts shall borrow a sweetening bloom From the image he left there in dying.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF NEW YORK, DIVISION NO.22: The Society carried a banner that showed the Maid of Erin playing a harp and a monk with a wolfhound crouching at his feet. Over both were a stag’s head and the sunburst. The reverse depicted O’Rourke, ‘Prince of Brefni’ in full armour, opposite Charles Carroll of Carrollton. Beside them was the inscription: ‘We have Sacrificed and Bled for Liberty’, while beneath them was: ‘We Hail the Land of our Birth: We Protect the Land of our Adoption.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF MELROSE AND MORRISANIA: The banner of the society had St. Patrick and Brian Boru on the front with the inscription ‘Se support our sick and bury our dead.’ The reverse showed Washington on horseback with the name of the Society: ‘Ancient Order of Hibernians of Melrose, Westchester Co.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF WEEHAWKEN, NEW JERSEY: Their banner was carried on a truck decorated with evergreens and drawn by two horses. The banner had the surrender of Cornwallis on the obverse with figures of O’Connell and Patrick Henry on the reverse and the inscription: ‘Let Liberty’s Spirit not rest, Till it moves like a breeze o’er the waves of the West.’ The Society also carried a United States flag.

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF LONG ISLAND, DIVISION NO.1: They carried their banner on a car drawn by six grey horses. On the front it had Hugh O’Neill with the depiction ‘The Pride of his Country, and the Terror of her Enemies.’ The reverse showed the Maid of Erin playing on a harp.

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF LONG ISLAND, DIVISION NO.2: Their banner had St. Patrick and the Irish harp on the front, with the motto: ‘Faith, Hope and Charity- By these we Conquer.’ The reverse depicted Washington and had the inscription ‘First in War, First in Peace, and First in the Hearts of His Countrymen.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF LONG ISLAND, DIVISION NO.3: The front of the banner had St. Patrick and Washington with  the inscription: ‘Our Comet shines to chase foul mists away. And drive dark falsehood from our land to-day.’ The reverse showed Hugh O’Neill and Patrick Sarsfield with the quotation ‘Forget not the field where they perished, The truest, the last of the brave.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF LONG ISLAND, DIVISION NO.4: They carried their banner on a truck drawn by eight white horses all with plumed decorations on their heads. On either side of the truck was the Irish and American flags. In the truck itself a harper played tunes. The banner had St. Patrick and O’Connell on the front, along with a harp and eagle and the inscription ‘United we stand- Divided we fall.’ The reverse showed Brian Boru in his armour with the inscription ‘Remember the Days of Brian Boroimhe.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF LONG ISLAND, DIVISION NO.5: One the obverse of the banner were two woulfhounds supporting a shield and the motto: ‘Gentle when stroked- Fierce when provoked.’ The reverse showed St. Patrick preaching before the Royal Assembly of Tara.

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF LONG ISLAND, DIVISION NO.6: The frame of their banner was decorated with wreaths and streamers. On the front was a figure of Sarsfield, with a harp and round tower. Underneath them were the words: ‘Sarsfield is the word, and Sarsfield I am.’ The reverse had a figure of Marshal McMahon and the inscription: ‘Oh, Erin my Country, I weep for your fall. My sword and my shield await on your call.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF LONG ISLAND, DIVISION NO.8: Their banner had St. Patrick and the Maid of Erin on the front with the inscription ‘Strike the tuneful harp once more, There’s hope of Liberty on Erin’s shore.’ The reverse depicted Major O’Reillly and Lafayette with the motto ‘Union and Liberty.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF LONG ISLAND, DIVISION NO.9: On the front of the Society’s banner was O’Connell and Washington with the motto ‘Gentle when Stroked- Fierce when Provoked.’ The reverse had Marshal MacMahon and the Maid of Erin with the mottoes ‘For my Country I Mourn’ and ‘Friendship, Unity, and Love.’

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF LONG ISLAND, DIVISION NO.11: The obverse of their banner had St. Patrick and ‘King Malachi.’ A scroll over them had the name of the Society and the quotation: ‘Let Erin remember the days of old. Ere her faithless sons betrayed her; When Malachi wore the collar of gold, Which he won from the proud invader.’ The reverse bore the Maid of Erin  and Henry Grattan with a harp surmounted by an eagle. Over them was written ‘Let Friendship Flourish’ and underneath the quote ‘When Grattan rose, none dared oppose The claim he made for Freedom.’ The Society also carried and Irish flag.

ST. PETER’S TEMPERANCE CADETS: They wore small badges and had a banner of white with the inscription ‘St. Peter’s Temperance Cadets.’ The cadets also carried a wreath with a white cross at its centre. They carried a green flag with the harp and shamrock and also the flag of the United States.

ST. PETER’S ROMAN CATHOLIC TOTAL ABSTINENCE SOCIETY: Members wore a green badge with the name of their society in gilt letters on it, together with a green rosette. Their banner bore a figure of St. Patrick and the inscription ‘St. Peter’s Roman Catholic T.A. Society; Organized, March , 1860.’ The reverse had Christ and St. Peter walking on the water, with the name of the Society. Behind the banner was a harp device wreathed in flowers. The Society also carried a green flag and a United States flag.

FATHER MATHEW T.A.B. SOCIETY NO.2 OF NEW YORK: All the members wore regalia. Their banner was of green silk edged in gold and on the obverse had a representation of Father Mathew administering the pledge. A scroll over his head read: ‘Father Mathew T.A.B. Society, No. 2, of New York.’ The reverse had the Maid of Erin leaning on a harp with an angel hovering over her and a crown of laurel. The scroll bore the name of the Society and also: ‘There’s not, within this lovely land, A fairer sight to see, Than those who march beneath our flag, In sober dignity.’ The staff of the banner also bore a wreath. The Society also carried a second banner which had two wolfhounds supporting the united flags of Ireland and American and the motto: ‘Gentle when Stroked- Fierce when Provoked.’ The staff of this flag also had a wreath, upon which was written in gilt letters: ‘Noble cause, live for ever!’ Guide colours were also carried, which were red, white and blue and carried inscriptions such as ‘Unity, Harmony and Benevolence’ and ‘In Union there is Strength.’

FATHER MATHEW T.A.B. SOCIETY NO.3 OF NEW YORK: The members were dressed in green and gold regalia. They carried the flags of Ireland and the United States.

BARRY BENEVOLENT SOCIETY: Their banner had images of Commodore Barry and Washington along with the inscription: ‘Barry Benevolent Society: Organized October 30, 1861: Chartered, 1864.’ The reverse showed members of the Society helping a sick man, with the words: ‘I was sick, and you visited me.’ A wreath hung from the staff of the banner and the Society also carried the Irish and American flags.

ST. BRIDGET’S MUTUAL BENEFIT AND BENEVOLENT SOCIETY: They wore medals and rosettes of green, white and crimson. The front of their banner had a representation of St. Bridget with St. Bridget’s Parish Church and Schools in the background. Beneath this was a Committee of the Society making their report to the President and the inscription: ‘St. Bridget’s Mutual Benefit and Benevolent Society; Organized March 4, 1863.’ The reverse of the banner showed a sick member of the Society receiving the last rites, while his family receive assistance. In the background is the Angel of Mercy with the Cross and Scales of Justice, bearing the legend: ‘Faith, Hope, and Charity. We Comfort the Sick and Pray for the Dead.’ In addition the Society carried silk flags of Ireland and the United States.

FATHER MATHEW TOTAL ABSTINENCE B. SOCIETY NO.2 OF BROOKLYN: The members wore green and gold regalia. Their banner was of green silk edged with gold with a representation of Father Mathew administering the pledge on the front. Over this was a scroll carried in an eagle’s beak which read: ‘Father Mathew Total Abstinence Benevolent Society No, 2, of Brooklyn.’ Underneath this was written ‘Relief in Sickness or Distress.’ The reverse depicted a harp wreathed with shamrocks, together with a wolfhound and round tower. Under this was fountain of cold water. The flags of the United States and Ireland were depicted in the upper part of the image, along with a scroll reading: ‘Temperance-in hoc signo vinces.’ A wreath hung from the banner’s staff, and the Society also carried a United States and Irish flag.

FATHER MATHEW U.B.T.A.B. SOCIETY OF NEW YORK (PARENT SOCIETY): The members wore green and gold regalia ornamented with harps and shamrocks. Their banner was carried on a car drawn by twelve bay horses with plume headpieces. The sides were covered in green, white and blue drapery ornamented with mottoes, harps and shamrocks. On one side was written ‘Our object is Temperance and Unity’ and on the other ‘We follow in the footsteps of the Apostle of Temperance, the Rev. Theobald Mathew.’ The rear of the car had ‘We visit the Sick and bury the Dead’ with below ‘By the Pledge We Conquer.’ The banner had a full length portrait of Father Mathew administering the pledge, with a man and his family (the man having just signed the pledge). The inscription read: ‘Father Mathew United Temperance B. Society, Organized Dec. 2, 1851; Chartered July 8, 1855.’ The reverse had the Maid of Erin leaning on a harp with the quotation: ‘The Harp that once thro’ Tara’s Halls, The soul of Music shed.’ A wreath was placed on the banner’s staff. Cadets followed the car and carried small flags.

FATHER MATHEW U.B.T.A.B. SOCIETY, BRANCH NO.1: Members wore their Society’s regalia and carried a floral device presented by the Temperance ladies of the 9th Ward. The wreath of flowers was a circled by gilt oak leaves, surrounded by a harp and with the inscription in gold: ‘Father Mathew U.B.T.A.B. Society, Branch No. 1.’ They also carried two United States flags.

ST. ANNE’S R.C.T.A.B. SOCIETY, OF BROOKLYN: Members wore green and white rosettes with white badges fringed in gold and bearing the name of the Society. The banner was wreathed in gold shamrock with a figure of St. Anne on the front and the inscription ‘St. Anne’s Roman Catholic Total Abstinence and Beneficial Society, of Brooklyn. Organized April 5, 1863.’ The reverse showed a sick room with a priest administering the last rites. Overhead the Angel of Hope pointing to the Cross and the inscription: ‘We comfort the sick and bury the dead.’ They also carried with them an Irish flag presented to them that morning. It bore the harp and sunburst along with the motto ‘Erin go Bragh.’ They also carried a United States flag.

SHAMROCK SOCIETY NO.1 OF BROOKLYN: Their banner had on the obverse St. Patrick along with the name of the Society and the legend: ‘We relieve our sick and bury our dead.’ The reverse bore an image of Washington with the name of the Society and it’s date of organization, 1829. They also carried a small banner which had a harp and the inscription: ‘Erin and the United States.’ They also carried the Stars and Stripes and a number of boys had small flags.

ST. JAMES’ R.C.T.A.B. SOCIETY: Members were dressed in their regalia and carried a banner that had a golden cross on the front surrounded by rays of light, with the motto: ‘In hoc signo vinces.’ The reverse had the inscription: ‘New York Roman Catholic Total Abstinence Benevolent Society: Organized Nov. 1st, 1849.’ They also had a large Irish flag, with the harp and shamrocks embroidered on it and a Union flag

BENEVOLENT SOCIETY OF THE UNITED SONS OF ERIN: Members wore their regalia and on their banner carried images of Washington and the Maid of Erin, with a view of a ship sailing on the Ocean. Underneath this were the lines: ‘Behold yon gallant vessel, how swift she speeds her way: The golden sun is rising to guide her through the spray, While Erin’s guardian genius in splendor stands serene, With Tara’s ancient emblem, she gazes on the scene; Upon the deck brave Barry stands; he comes in Freedom’s name; He comes to meet the haughty foe, amid the rushing flame. The orphan’s prayer to Heaven ascends for Erin’s noble son; Nor are his deeds forgotten in the land of Washington.’ The reverse showed one of the members of the Society with a horn of plenty, relieving the family of a deceased member, with the motto: ‘Charity softens the pillow of death.’

HIBERNIAN UNIVERSAL BENEVOLENT SOCIETY: Their first banner showed an Irish emigrant taking the Oath of Allegiance to the United States with the motto: ‘United, we stand; divided we fall.’ The reverse showed the landing of Columbus, the name of the Society and the date of its charter in 1828. After the banner was a gilt harp covered in floral wreaths. A second banner had a portrait of Washington and the name of the Society.

References

New York Irish-American 26th March 1864.

New York Times 18th March 1864.

On 5th November 1862 ‘Arthur Shaw’, a 19-year-old Dubliner, stepped off the decks of the Great Western and into the hustle and bustle of New York City. From that day forward, his family never heard from him again. I have spent considerable time trying to piece together some elements of this boy’s story, aiming to uncover just who he was- and ultimately what became of him. (1)

Whatever happened to ‘Arthur’ in the months that followed his arrival in the United States, his family remained completely in the dark as to his movements. His parents were still at home in Ireland, and although he had family in America, it quickly became clear that he was not making his way to them. On 18th April 1863, some five months after he was last seen, his family placed an ad seeking information on him in the Boston Pilot. It transpired that ‘Arthur Shaw’ was not the boy’s real identity name at all- his actual name was Alexander Scarff:

INFORMATION WANTED OF ALEXANDER SCARFF who left his home on the 1st October last, in the steamer Great Western. Any person knowing of his whereabouts will confer great favor by communicating the information to his aunt, Mrs J D Clinton, Cincinnati P O, Ohio, or to his uncle Mr J P Clinton, Detroit P O, Michigan. (2)

The ad did not produce any results. A second effort published in the same paper on 2nd May that year included further detail, highlighting that Alexander was a native of Dublin, and his uncle’s full name was John P. Clinton. But the months turned to years and no word came. Fully seven years after these ads in the Pilot- on the 2nd April 1870- the New York Irish-American carried the following:

INFORMATION WANTED OF ALEXANDER SCARFF a native of Dublin who sailed from Liverpool in the ship Great Western, under the name of Arthur Shaw; arrived at Castle Garden on 5th November 1862; was then 19 years of age; has not since been heard of by his friends or parents; is supposed to have joined the U.S. Army. Any information of him will be thankfully received by his aunt, Mrs. J.D. Clinton, Bath-North, Greenbush, Rensselaer County, N. Y. (3)

Why had Alexander Scarff left his home in Dublin? Had his parents known of his intention to travel to the United States? Why did he travel under an assumed name- was he younger than the 19 years he proclaimed himself to be? Between his disappearance in 1862 and the 1870 ad his family had managed to piece together only scant additional information. It is impossible to comprehend the anguish that must have been felt by all concerned, no doubt greatly exacerbated by the lack of answers to their inquires.

Clara Barton’s Missing Soldiers Office, Washington DC. She helped many families learn the fate of their loved ones following the Civil War, but unfortunately Alexander Scarff’s parents were not among them. (Photo by E.L. Malvaney)

On the 6th November 1862, one day after the Great Western had sailed into New York Harbor,  a 19-year-old Irish-born clerk enlisted in the Union Army. Standing six feet tall, with dark hair, dark eyes and a dark complexion, Private Arthur Shaw would eventually muster in as a member of Company B, 174th New York Infantry Regiment. That December the regiment sailed for Louisiana, where it participated in the successful siege of Port Hudson. In the middle of July 1863, the New Yorkers found themselves engaged in an action that would become known as the Battle of Kock’s Plantation. It was an action where the Union forces and the 174th New York were badly mauled. Among the fallen was Private Arthur Shaw, who was killed in action on 13th July 1863. (4)

The balance of probability strongly suggests that the young Irishman who died at the Battle of Kock’s Plantation, Louisiana was Alexander Scarff. The soldier used the same name, was from the same country, was stated as being the same age and perhaps most convincingly enlisted in New York only a single day after the Great Western had docked in 1862.Why had he gone to America? Had he argued with his family? Had he been tempted across the Atlantic by the prospect of a large bounty, or was it intended he join those relatives already in America? Had he always planned to enlist, or was he convinced to join up just after  his arrival? We will never know, but his adoption of a false name implies that he did not want his family to be able to track his journey.

Whatever the circumstances, Alexander’s parents and relatives clearly made desperate efforts- across many years- to learn his fate. Perhaps they suspected the worst. Although there are many questions we can’t answer about Alexander Scarff, we do have the answer to the one question that was most important to his family, a question for which they most probably never had an explanation. Thanks to the modern research tools available to us, it becomes possible for us to suggest the answer to the mystery of Alexander Scarff’s disappearance, albeit over 150 years too late for his family.

*The story of Alexander Scarff is one I have touched on before in this post, but which I felt deserved a more concentrated focus.

(1) New York Passenger Lists 1820-1957; (2) Harris et al: 186; (3) Ibid., New York Irish American 2nd April 1870; (4) Civil War Muster Roll Extracts, New York Adjutant General Report;

References

New York State Archives, Cultural Education Center, Albany, New York; New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900; Archive Collection #:13775-83; Box #:662; Roll #:318

New York Passenger Lists 1820-1957. Year: 1862; Arrival: New York, New York; Microfilm Serial: M237, 1820-1897; Microfilm Roll: Roll 224; Line 25; List Number: 1092.

New York Irish American 2nd April 1870.

Adjutant General’s Office. Annual report of the Adjutant General of the State of New York for the year 1905. 

Harris, Ruth-Ann M., Donald M. Jacobs, and B. Emer O’Keeffe, (eds.) Searching for Missing Friends: Irish Immigrant Advertisements Placed in “The Boston Pilot” 1831–1920. Boston: New England Historic Genealogical Society, 1989.

E.L. Malvaney Flickr Photo Stream

Widow’s Pension Files are among the most remarkable records that survive relating to the American Civil War. Filled with fascinating social information, they often also contain primary sources from 1861-1865- such as wartime letters- that have lain unread for over a century. Many thousands of these files relate to Irish people, and contain important details about life in Ireland and among Irish emigrants in the middle of the 19th century. The importance of these files as a historic resource remains unrecognised in Ireland, which is unfortunate given that many Irish records from this period were destroyed during the Irish Civil War. The letters below relate to one such remarkable pension record. Contained within Navy Dependent File 2867 are three poignant letters from Second Class Fireman Patrick Finan of Sligo town, written to his father from the decks of USS Wabash. Transcribed here for the first time, they have much to teach us about emigration, community, life on the Union blockade, loss and loneliness. They are well worth taking the time to read. 

A sketch of the USS Wabash on which Patrick Finan served during the American Civil War (Library of Congress)

Patrick Finan first enlisted in the Union Navy in New York on 29th April 1861, signing on as a Coal Heaver. His place of birth was incorrectly inputted as Brooklyn. He was 23-years-old and was recorded as having no profession. Patrick was 5 feet 6 1/2 inches tall with blue eyes, light hair and a light complexion. This is his physical description- to gain an insight into his character and emotions, read on. (1)

Hilton Head, Port Royal S.C.

October the 23th [sic.], 1862

Dear Father,

I take the liberty of writing these few lines to you hoping to find you brother and sister in good health as this leaves me in at present thanks be to God for it.

Dear Father you must excuse me for not answering your letter sooner than this but I was waiting for the ship to go to New York until I would send you all particulars, but when the time came to go home I was disappointed, for in place of going to New York we were sent to Philadelphia and we received one weeks liberty on shore. I was thinking of going to New York from there but I changed my mind for I thought I might as well spend my time there as in New York. So you may think what a week I spent after being fifteen months at sea but I got sick of it at the latter end and I was glad to get on board the ship again, but we only remained fifteen days in Philadelphia until we left for Port Royal on the first of August again and to make my liberty better I got sick on the passage out and I had to go into hospital on board the ship for two months before I got better, but I am quite well again and at my duty. Dear Father we expect to make an attack on Charleston very soon for we are to have a fleet of iron clad vessels as soon as our Admiral comes back, for they would sink all the wooden vessels that ever was built but our ship is too large to get in close on the Bar but I hope it is all for the better, for I don’t want to be under the fire of them guns that is on them Forts but our iron clad vessels can stand anything so I think our vessel will have to remain outside the Bar and look on at the sport and I hope we will come out victorious.

Dear Father I have not heard one word from Patt Keen since he came out here or from Bartly Burns or the wife, but I expected Patt Keen would write and let me know how he was getting on but out of sight out of mind with them all, for they knew very well where to write to me, but I hope I will live to return them the compliment they have shown me since I left New York, but a stranger will think more of you here than your one friend. Well Dear Father I received a letter from one of Mrs. Short’s sons that lived in Manchester and he is in the Navy about the same time as myself, his mother and brothers and sisters is living in Fall River where James Tindell was living, and he told me that Michael Flanigan [en]listed in the Irish Brigade under General Francis Magher, eight thousand strong, and he went into the battle that was at Richmond about a month ago and all the men he brought out alive was five hundred, so I suppose Michael Flanigan was killed in that battle.*

Dear Father you must excuse me for not having something to send to you in this letter but you may expect it in the next, I will send to you in January next so try and do the best you can until then, for there is no money to be got in this ship at the present time. Dear Father you will make it your business to see Mr. Coggans and ask him if he has heard anything from his son Michael, for I was told by a prisoner we got on board our ship that come from Charleston and he told me he knew Michael Coggans, and that he got married and shortly after he [en]listed in Charleston and is now stationed in James Island the very place we are going to make an attack on, and give my respects to him and his daughter Margaret.** Dear Father if I remain twelve months more in the navy you may expect me home for a few months as soon as I get paid off, for I never can let home out of my mind I am always thinking of home, I don’t know the reason of it for when I was in England I never used to think half so much of home as I do now, but I am not the same since my Mother died. I feel very lonely and down hearted.

Dear Father you will be kind enough to tell John Gannon not to be uneasy a [small portion of letter missing] Michael has the [small portion of letter missing] present time for they are pressing men to [en]list all over the States but as soon as Rebellion is over we will have a good country here again and I expect this winter will finish it all. Give my love to my brother Michael and wife and child, and my sister Mary Ann, and to Martin Conlin wife and family, and tell little Patt Conlon I will bring him home a suit of Man O’ War clothes and make a regular Jack Tar of him. Give my love to Johnney Mulrouney wife and family and to my [sic.] daughter Anney and Patt Kerins and children and John Mulrouney wife and family, Dan Riley and family and to Mrs Rees? and to Thomas Mulrouney and James Hennesy, and give my love to the two Miss Mullins, father and mother and to all loving friends and neighbours and to my aunt Peggy, and [I] was very near forgetting her. So I bid you all goodbye for the present but I remain your truly son Patrick Finan, until death.

When you receive this letter write by the return of post and let me know how you are getting on and how Michael is doing.*** (2)

The Confederate ironcald ram CSS Chicora. Patrick Finan’s friend from Sligo, Michael Coggins, may have served against him aboard this vessel (Photographic History of the Civil War)

Hilton Head

Port Royal S.C.

January the 25th 1863

Dear Father,

I take the liberty of addressing these few lines to you to inform you that I received your kind and welcome letter on the 20th, and I am happy to hear that you are all in good health as this leaves me in at present thanks be to God for it. Dear Father I am sorry to inform you that it is impossible for me to send you the money home or I should feel very happy in doing so, for the money we get here that it is no use out of  the country, for every pound in gold I would get here to send you I would have to pay two dollars discount on it so you see now how much it would take to send as much as would bring you all out here. Dear Father I am willing to pay your three passages in [to] New York, yours Mary Ann and Johnsey Mullrooney if you are willing for me to do so, for I don’t know any other way in bringing you out here at the present time. I have the money on hand these three months and could not get no way of sending it to you. Dear Father when you receive this letter write as much as possible and let me know what you intend to do and tell Johnney Mullroony that if he is willing to come out here I will pay his passage  along with yours, that is if his wife is willing to let him come here, but on no other condition. I would like to bring him out here.

Father it grieves me to say that it was the first? in the January? to make a settlement on it, and when you and Mary Ann leaves we will be well divided, and if Michael had taken my advice when I was leaving Liverpool I would have him out here long ago but he has taken his own or else yours and let him abide by it, for I am sure he was time enough to get married these five years to come. Let me know how you stand, that is to say if you have got as much money as will bring you as far as Liverpool, and if not let me know in your letter and the sum you think will do you, and I will send it to you, I don’t care how much I have to pay for sending it for I don’t want you to be in debt to any man leaving Sligo, and for my part I am willing to do all that ever a son can do for you and more perhaps than them you thought more of. But at the same time it is no more than anybody to a Father and all I am waiting for now is the answer of this letter and if you are willing to come that way let me know and I will pay yours, Mary Ann and Johnney Mullrooneys passage as quick as possible. Dear Father I intended to go to Sligo when I got paid off but all my hopes is blasted for the future of ever seeing Sligo again? [portion of letter blotted out] When you come out and I hope your uncle Daniel? [portion of letter blotted out] will be along with you and Mrs. Keen and children [portion of letter blotted out] is one that lies cold in the clay that I would give all the world she was alive to be with you until I would see her face again but alas that day will never come in this world, and may the Lord have mercy on her soul, Amen. [It seems likely that Patrick is here referring to his mother].

Dear Father I have not received a letter from Brooklyn this twelve months, and I can’t say how Bartly Burns and the family is getting along for like all the rest of them that is here he soon forgot me. But I hope I will live to return to New York to pay them back with the same coin, and I was greatly surprised when I herd Thomas Mullroony was married, but I suppose he took a foolish notion like all the rest of the Sligo boys. Let me know what young woman he got married to, Sligo can’t be so bad when the young boys can support wives, and as for this country the widows and girls are going mad for men and can’t get them, for the war has all the young men in the country away and any young man that comes home safe out of the war the young girls will be giving any amount of money to get a man, and plenty of money they have got. [It] is now is the time for the young men of Sligo to come to this country, any of them that is able, for this will be a fine country when this war is over and as it is I hear they can’t get men enough to do the work for them in New York. There is very few men in the citys at all but what is a way in the army and navy. Dear Father there is nothing thought of a man here if he is not either in the army and navy fighting for his country. I have received a few letters from Patt Short since I come in the navy he is living in Fall River and his mother and brother and sisters sends their love to you and they wish to see you out here. Tell Johnney Michael Flanigan is still a prisoner in Richmond.

Dear Father I intend to be in a hot battle very soon, I expected it sooner than this but the weather kept the vessels from coming down here but the most of them arrived here this week, and we expect the rest of them here soon, all iron clads vessels and we expect to make and attack on Charleston, [in] the next month and I hope that will be our last. Dear Father give my love to my sister and brother, [his] wife and child and to my aunt Mary and family and Thomas Mullroony and wife, John Mulrooney and family, Patrick Kearns and family, Patrick Flynn and family, Patt Hughes and family and my Godfather Johnney Mulrooney and family, Michael O’Hara and family, Patrick Feenney and family, Dan Riley and family, Mrs Phur? and children and my aunt Peggy and give my compliments to John Muligan and wife, give my love to James and Patt Kerns and to John and Edward, wife and sister, and all my old comrade boys of Sligo and not forgetting the young girls [portion illegible] and [portion illegible]…Captain Steward and [portion illegible]… old sailors of the Shamrock**** and give my love to Francis? Duffy and Edward Moran, and all inquiring friend and neighbours home at present, but I remain yours truly Patrick Finan and I bid you all goodbye and old Sligo for now and ever more,

Yours Respectfully, Patrick Finan

Send your letter for Patrick Finan U.S. Navy Ship Wabash Port Royal S.C. New York America and send me Mary Ann’s age.*****(3)

The USS Wabash in action at Hatteras Inlet, North Carolina, in 1861. She is the largest vessel, second from the right (Library of Congress)

Port Royal S.C.

June the 24th 1863

Father I take the liberty of writing these few lines to you hoping to find you in good health as this leaves me in at present thanks be to God for it.

Dear Father I received your kind and welcome letter on the 20th and I am very happy to hear that you are enjoying good health and I am also very sorry to hear that Johnney Mulrooney is lying very bad, but I hope he will soon recover his health again and be able to come to see me in the land of liberty. Dear Father I am surprised at you for to sell all your things in such a hurry before you received your passage ticket, for I am sure you would have time enough to sell them after you received the order, and on the other hand you wanted me to pay your passage on a steamer but the passage is too high, it is 32 dollars in gold and 48 dollars in the U.S. currency, so you must know how much it would be to bring you out on a steamer and to send you money home also, for I know you can’t come out without sending you some money home and I think it would be very good on my part to be able to bring you out on a sailing ship, the same way as I come myself, not that I would think it too much to bring you out on a steamer, but for the way times is here at present that if a man wants a dollar in gold he has to pay one dollar and a half before he can get it, and that is what is keeping you in Sligo so long, for I think it very hard to lose so much money for nothing for it is my intention to save all the money I can while I am in the service, that I can be able to start you in business as soon as you come here. Dear Father it would take very near forty pounds to bring you and Mary Ann out at the present time so with the blessing of God remain where you are until the times takes a turn here for the better, and I hope that won’t be long and I think you can’t starve in Sligo as bad as you say it is.

Dear Father I wonder how the young men of Sligo that is coming out here will like to be drafted as soon as they land for they have passed a law here to draft all the young and married men from 25 to 45 years of age after they are thirty days in this country, or else they will have to leave the country again and I am very glad of it for there is a lot of young fellows around New York that won’t fight for their country and they ought to be made fight or else clear out. But I wish to God it was for the freedom of Ireland I was fighting for in the place of what we are fighting for. Dear Father I wrote to Patt Short in Fall River to let me know of the first chance he can see that I can send for you, and I am very much surprised at you for not sending some account of John Gannon in your letter to his brother Michael for he was waiting to hear from him in your letter and he was greatly disappointed when he heard his name was not mentioned, and I felt ashamed myself when you did not send some news about him for I am sure you had plenty of place [space] in your letter. Dear Father I have ten months more to serve before my time is up but that won’t be long passing, we are expecting our ships to go home very soon we are waiting for a ship to relive us and as soon as she comes we start for home. Dear Father you have liberty to do as you wish with the pictures when you get them but be sure and give Mrs. Flynn her pictures and tell her to receive them as a favour from me for her kindness to my mother, but you could not expect to receive them as quick as the letter for there will be a delay on them before you receive them. Dear Father tell Mary Finan I received her brothers likeness last week in a letter and I [am] going to send him my likeness this week. I receive a letter from him every week and he is getting along very well.

Dear Father we are making up a great deal of money in this country for the Poor of Ireland and on board our ships we made up near twelve hundred dollars on board this ship, you can see it in the last two papers I sent you [for more on these fund raising efforts in 1863 see a previous post by clicking here]. And I had to laugh the other day when I read in the papers about Patrick Davey getting eleven sheep killed on him with some of your mad dogs and about Patrick Kearns in Pound Street turning bankrupt, there is not a thing done in Sligo but I hear of it in one of your Irish papers. Dear Father cheer up and make out the best way you can until such times as I can bring you out, I am sure you would not know me if you seen me for my hair is getting grey. I am greatly changed since you last seen me, this is the country to take the blush off your cheeks. Dear Father when you write again you need not put yourself to the expense of paying the postage for I can pay for it here better than you can, let me know in your next letter if you received the pictures all right for I feel uneasy until they go to hand, be sure and let me know how Johnny Mulroony is getting along for I feel uneasy for fear anything would happen to him.

Dear Father give my respects to Patrick Flannery wife and family and tell him I feel very thankful to him for his kindness towards you, give my compliments to Patt Flynn wife and family and to Patt Feeney wife and family and give my love to my sister and brother, [his] wife and child, give my love to my uncle Johnney wife and family and to my aunt Mary and Martin Conlon and family and my aunt Peggey give my respects to John Mulrooney wife and family, Patrick Kearns and family, Dan Riley wife and family and to Mrs Keen and tell her I never heard one word from Patt since he landed, give my love to James Hennesy and James Mulroony and to Bridget Mulroony. Give my respects to Michael O’Hara wife and family and to Patt his wife and family and to my good Father.

No more at present but I remain your most respectfully Patrick Finan. Good Bye.

Direct your letter as before: Mr. Patrick Finan U.S. Flag Ship Wabash Port Royal S.C. America (4)

Photograph of the USS Wabash at Port Royal, South Carolina, taken from the deck of the monitor USS Weehawken in 1863. Patrick Finan would have been aboard the vessel when this image was exposed (U.S. Naval Historical Center)

Just a few months after this letter was written Patrick Finan was dead. On the 21st March 1864 the 27-year-old Sligo man, who was serving as a Second Class Fireman, was examining water-cocks beneath the boilers of the USS Wabash which was still stationed off Port Royal, South Carolina. An accidental discharge of  hot water from the boilers caught Patrick and severely scalded him on the body and limbs. During the first days after his horrific injury it seemed like he might pull through, but on the night of 5th April an effusion of the brain occurred, and he died on the night of 6th April. It is because of Patrick’s death that his remarkable letters survive. Years later his now incapacitated father John, who had never made it to a new life in the United States, sought a pension in Sligo based on his son’s service. He had to prove that his son had helped to support him when he was alive, so he included these three letters of Patrick’s as they refer to his son helping him financially. 65-year-old John prepared an affidavit to accompany his claim on 12th May 1880, giving his post office address as West Garden Lane, Sligo, Ireland and outlining his sad circumstances:

I John Finan say I am a working butcher by trade but am now prevented by infirmity and ill health from earning my support by labouring at my trade. I was married in the month of July 1835 to Bridget Mulrooney but the Roman Catholic Register of the Parish of Sligo has been mislaid and I am unable to produce the certificate of my marriage. I say I had 7 children, but all are dead save two, one daughter living in the United States, of whom I have not heard for 5 years last past and one son in Australia, of whom I have not heard for the last 10 years- my son Patrick Finan was my eldest child and he left Ireland about the year 1859, and after residing some years in United States enlisted in the Navy of the United States and died on board the United States ship the Wabash until the year 1864 having been scalded to death by an accidental escape of steam- my said son Patrick Finan previous to his enlisting in said navy constantly remitted to me sums of money for my support, and I received from him in the year previous to his enlisting ten pounds sterling for my support, but in consequence of his being out at sea whilst on board the Wabash he was unable to remit money at regular or fixed times. I refer to his letter marked A dated 23d January 1863 and the letter marked B dated 24th June 1863, stating he had money for me, but was unable to remit same. My said son Patk. Finan whilst he lived afforded me my only means of support and was the only person on whom I could rely for support. From his death to the present time I have had no other means of support, than the sum of £90 the arrears of his pay and a subscription raised for me, which fund is now exhausted and which was remitted to me. I say I am incapacitated from work and am now trusting to the charity of my friends and neighbours for my support. I say my wife Bridget Mulrooney died 21 years ago and I remained since her death unmarried- I say my said son Patrick Finan never married. (5)

John Finan received a pension for the service of his son. The former butcher passed away in West Garden Lane on 20th December 1890- he had married again, as his widow Sarah was recorded as being present at his death. Despite his age being given as 65 in 1880, it was recorded as only 66 in 1890, a differential that is not unusual when dealing with 19th century records. (6)

These letters are extremely revealing regarding emigration and community in 19th century Ireland. It is also of interest to note just how many of the people in Sligo town had family who emigrated; included amongst Patrick’s circle were at least two others who fought in the Civil War, one in the Irish Brigade and one for the Confederacy- the latter of whom, Michael Coggins, seems to have literally been facing his former friend in the battle for Charleston (see notes below). Letters such as these open up a window on the strong ties between Ireland and the United States in the 1860s and the impact of the American Civil War on Irish people. Sources such as these, and the experiences of men such as Patrick Finan, are worthy of considerably more attention and study here in Ireland than they currently receive.

Walsh’s Royal Mail and Day Car, Corcoran’s Mall, Sligo, c. 1885. This scene would have been familiar to John Finan, who was still alive when it was taken (National Library of Ireland)

Notes

*A Michael Flannigan aged 27 years enlisted in the 88th New York Infantry on 3rd March 1862 and was assigned to Company F. He was captured in action at Chancellorsville on 3rd May 1863 and paroled, and transferred to Company A on 12th June 1863. Transferred to the 114th Company of the 1st Battalion, VRC, he was re-transferred to Company A of the 88th New York on 19th February 1864. He re-enlisted as a veteran volunteer on 22nd March 1864 but deserted on 30th May 1864 on the expiration of his veteran furlough. (7)

**Patrick’s information here may be surprisingly accurate. A Michael Coggins served as a Private in Company D of the 3rd Palmetto Battalion, South Carolina Light Artillery. He enlisted aged 23 in Charleston on 14th November 1861. He was sentenced to forfeit two weeks pay by order of court-martial in June 1862 and in July of the same year was listed as absent without leave, sick in the city (Charleston). On 4th October 1862 he was transferred to the Naval service. An ‘M. Coggins’ is recorded as an Ordinary Seaman on the crew of the C.S.S. Chicora for late 1863 and early 1864, and this may be the same man. Chicora was an ironclad ram built in Charleston in 1862- it was volunteers from her crew that became the first to serve on the submarine Hunley.(8)

*** Patrick’s mother was a Mulrooney so it is likely that all those of that name referred to in the letters are family relations.

****It is unclear what vessel the Shamrock was, and if Patrick had served on it in Ireland (it is clear he also spent time in England before his emigration). There were a number of ships of that name operating in 19th century Ireland, more work is required to ascertain if none had particular connections to Sligo.

*****The USS Wabash on which Patrick served for most of the war and on which he died was a steam-screw frigate. She spent most of the Civil War on blockading duty as part of the South Atlantic Blockading Squadron. Members of her crew participated in actions against positions such as Fort Pulaski, Georgia and while in Port Royal a detachment of her crew were captured by a Confederate steamer. She took a number of prizes, including the Wonder on 13th May 1863.

Note re Letter Transcription: Patrick Finan’s letters have been transcribed here to make them as readable as possible. The originals contain extremely varied spelling and no paragraph formatting or punctuation (e.g. ‘the’ is frequently used for ‘they’). As an example here is the passage relating to the draft as it appears in Patrick’s hand:

‘…Dear Father I wonder how the young men of Sligo that is coming out hear will like to bee drafted as soone as the land for the have past a law hear to draft all the young and married men from 25 to 45 years of age after the are thurty days in this country or els the will have to lave the country a gine and I am verrey glad of it for thear is a lot of young fellows a round New York that wont fight for thear country and the ought to Bee made fight or els clear out but I wish to God it was for the freedom of Ireland I was fighting for in the place of what we are fighting for…’

The original transcriptions do give more of an impression of Patrick’s Irish accent, with many words spelt phonetically. If you would like to see any of the original transcripts please let me know.

Market Street Sligo c. 1899. Aside from the new 1798 memorial in the foreground this streetscape would probably have been familiar to both Patrick and John Finan (National Library of Ireland)

(1) Naval Enlistment Weekly Returns; (2) Patrick Finan Widow’s Pension File; (3) Ibid.; (4) Ibid.; (5) Ibid.; (6) Ibid.; (7) New York Adjutant General: 51 (8) Confederate Civil war Service Records, Confederate Muster Rolls of Ships and Stations;

References

Confederate Civil War Service Records.

Confederate Muster Rolls of Ships and Stations (in Confederate Navy Subject File).

Naval Enlistment Weekly Returns, New York Rendezvous, April 1861.

New York Adjutant-General 1893. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York, Volume 31.

Patrick Finan Widow’s Pension File Certificate 2867.

US Naval Historical Center Photographs.

Felix Mooney was 53-years-old when he enlisted in what became Company D of the 61st New York Infantry on 12th August 1861. Wounded at the Battle of Malvern Hill on 1st July 1862, he was taken prisoner and sent to Richmond. By the time he was exchanged on 27th July he had to be sent straight to hospital, having developed chronic diarrhoea. On 11th September his wife of almost six years Mary (née McGinty), received the following extremely concerning note from Felix’s nurse: 

Newport News VA Sept 11 ’62

Mrs. Mooney

By request of your husband I write these lines to you he requested that if you ever want to see him alive to come immediately to this place he is very low indeed he says there is over 4 months pay due him so that you can have that to pay all expenses hereafter. I don’t think he can live long at the longest but I will try and do the best I can to keep him alive until you shall see him if it is possible but you will have to come soon as you get this don’t fail to come if posible. No more at present,

From M. O. Sutton the Nurse of Felix

yours truly

Go to Baltimore and procure a pass from Gen. Wool (1)

Felix’s former comrades of Company D, 61st New York Infantry, as they appeared in the Spring of 1863 (Library of Congress)

Only three days before Felix had sent his wife a letter, most probably dictated by him to Nurse Sutton:

Newport News VA Sept 8

Dear Wife,

I now have a few lines written to you to let you know that I have got those things you sent me it was 6 days getting to mee and all was spoiled except the brandy. The chickens milk tobacco all was sented with the chickens so I had to throw them away it was to bad but it can’t be helped. Now I am still pretty low with the dirahea I wish they would send mee to New York Hospital so that you could come and see me before I die. I guess they will send me before long I am very weak indeed dear Wife but I still have hopes of getting well so to join my family once more I want to see you all very bad once more. Give my love to Ann and Patrick. Write after to me I thank you kindly for sending those things to mee although they were spoiled it was not your fault. I don’t think of much to write to day so I will close for to day. Write after,

Yours Truly,

I Remain Until Death,

Your Loving Husband,

Felix Mooney. (2)

On receipt of the note from Nurse Sutton, Mary immediately set out for Newport News in company with her brother. When they reached Washington her brother could not receive a pass to go through the lines, so she was forced to travel on alone. In what must have been exceptional effort Mary arrived in Newport News on 16th September, only five days after the note was sent. Despite her haste, she was too late. Upon arrival she was informed that Felix had died the previous day, and had his body had already been buried. The newly widowed woman left Virginia the same day, for her lonely return to Brooklyn. (3)

(1) AG report 1893, Felix Mooney Pension File; (2) Felix Mooney Pension File; (3) Ibid.

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References & Further Reading

New York Adjutant General 1893. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General for the State of New York.

Felix Mooney’s Widows Pension File WC98996

Civil War Trust Battle of Malvern Hill Page

The second day of the Battle of Gettysburg was a tough one for New York’s Excelsior Brigade. Although not an ethnic Irish formation, many of the brigade’s regiments- such as the 70th New York Infantry- had large contingents of Irishmen in their ranks. The 2nd July at Gettysburg left many of these men dead. In the days after the fighting, officers and acting officers set about the unpleasant task of informing relatives as to their loved ones’ fate. One of them was Thomas J. Chaffer, who sat down on 10th July to write the following letter to Mary McKenna in New York.

The Excelsior Brigade Monument at Gettysburg (Photo: Cory Hartman)

July 10th 1863

Mrs. Mc Kenna this letter just reached here and it pains me to write you these few lines but brace yourself for the worst your Husband was killed on the battle feild of Gettyisburgh on the second day of July he died a brave man and was nobly fighting for his country and its rights you must bear up with his loss as well as you can for there is many left in the same way may God guard and protect you and your little ones through this world of battles as I am in command of this company I had to open seven letters so as to see where to direct this letter to you you have my best wishes yours truly,

Lieut. T.J. Chaffer

In the same letter Lieutenant Chaffer also added the following note:

Your likeness was buried with him your husband had nothing with him of any value no money or any such thing and soon as we get into camp I will see that his effects are made out and the papers sent on to you your husband was buried on the battle feild no more

Yours Truly

Lieut Thomas J Chaffer

Co. C 1st Regt

Excelsior Brigade

Washington D.C. (1)

Thomas Chaffer (borne as Chaffee on the roster) had been a First Sergeant in Company C leading up to Gettysburg, where the 70th New York suffered 117 casualties. In 1864 he was officially promoted First Lieutenant and re-enlisted as a veteran volunteer, but appears to have been wounded in the Overland Campaign, which ended his service. The subject of the letter, John McKenna (or McCanna), had originally served in the 2nd New York Infantry. His death in his early thirties at Gettysburg left four children without a father. John’s remains were later re-interred at Gettysburg National Cemetery where they still rest in Section F, Site 54. It is not known if the photo of his wife, originally buried on the field with him, also made the transition. (2)

(1) John McCanna Widow’s Pension File; (2) Ibid; New York Adjutant General Roster of the 70th New York Infantry;

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References & Further Reading

John McCanna Widow’s Pension File WC88061

New York Adjutant General. Roster of the 70th New York Infantry

Gettysburg National Military Park

Civil War Trust Battle of Gettysburg Page

One of the best known scenes in Martin Scorcese’s 2002 movie Gangs of New York is that which depicts the enlistment of Irish emigrants ‘straight off the boat’ into the Union army. The seemingly unsuspecting men are quickly dressed in uniform and packed off for the front, even as those unfortunates who have gone before are brought back in coffins. This scene is one of the most influential in dictating modern memory of Irish recruitment into the Union army. The popular image of thousands of Irishmen, ignorant of what they were getting into, joining up the moment they stepped ashore is one I encounter frequently. But how true is it?

Irish emigrants are recruited ‘straight off the boat’ in Gangs of New York

There is little doubt that many Irishmen enlisted in the Union army very shortly after their arrival in the United States. There is even some evidence of illegal recruitment from Ireland itself, although this appears to have been extremely rare. When Irishmen were ‘duped’ into joining the army, it was unfortunately often the case that it was other Irishmen – like Patrick Finney- who were the ones trying to profit from their enlistment. It is also open to question just how unaware the Irish landing in America were of the realities of the American Civil War. The sheer number of Irish in the United States meant that there was a constant flow of information about the conflict crossing the Atlantic. Many of these letters- written before the age of censorship- gave explicit detail of what was occurring in America between 1861 and 1865, and of what service in the Northern armies meant.

The more I investigate the Irish experience, the more apparent it is that the type of incident portrayed in Gangs of New York rarely, if ever, occurred. Far from being duped, it was much more likely that many of these men had travelled to the United States with the express intention of joining the military, in the hope of benefiting from the financial rewards available for doing so. This was the primary motivation for Irish enlistment in the Union Army from at least 1863 onwards. These men were not stupid- they came from a country where enlistment in the British Army for economic reasons was commonplace, and they came informed about the Civil War.

The New York Irish-American Newspaper of 23rd July 1864 presents an interesting counter-point to the scene depicted in Gangs of New York. It outlines that serious consideration had in fact been given to opening a recruiting station at Castle Garden, where Irish and other emigrants arrived in America. However, they decided against it, as it was thought it would ultimately prove counter-productive. The main reason put forward for this was that Irish-American and other communities would quickly inform those at home as to what was going on, discouraging future prospective emigrants. This would impact not only the economy, but ultimately also enlistment into the military. You can read the Irish-American article below.

Gangs of New York Cinematic Poster (Miramax)

NO RECRUITING IN CASTLE GARDEN

The New York County Volunteers Recruiting Committee, presided over by Mr. Orison Blunt, recently applied to the Commissioners of Emigration for permission to establish a recruiting rendezvous within and in connection with the emigration depot at Castle Garden. The Commissioners very properly refused such permission, and authorized their agent to convey such intelligence to the Committee. The following is a copy of the letter of Mr. Casserly:-

OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION, NEW YORK, JUNE 30

Elijah F. Purdy, Esq.:

Dear Sir- Mr. O. Blunt, the Chairman of the County Recruiting Committee and member of the Board of Supervisors, called here yesterday, and stated that he had conversed relative to a building to be erected on the Battery for recruiting purposes, with some of the Commissioners, and concerning a passage-way opening into and connection Castle Garden with said building, and that he had been sent to me for the purpose of learning if there were any objection to such connection with Castle Garden. In reply I informed him that I had not heard anything about the matter before, and that I believed there were no serious objections; which, however, I did not deem proper to state at that time, but would do so in case the matter came before the Board at the meeting to be held in the afternoon, and my opinion was requested by the Board. To do so sooner, on such an important matter, might have been considered an assumption of authority on my part.

At the meeting to-day, I mentioned the matter to several of the Commissioners, and while on account of their being no quorum, and as no official communication had been received by this Board from the Board of Supervisors or any other body, there could be and was no official action taken on the matter; yet the opinion of the Commissioners was decidedly adverse to granting such a request, on the ground that it would be injurious to the country in interfering with emigration, as would be the case as soon as known in Europe; and would be confirmatory, to a certain extent, of the charges made in the British House of Commons, as well as in France and Germany, by rebel emissaries and sympathizers, that the armies were being filled by the forced enlistments of arriving emigrants. As it is, the resident friends of emigrants expected to arrive are much excited on this very subject at present, and their persuasions and advice, in the form of letters of their friends in Ireland and Germany, as well as other countries from which emigrants come, would be immediately added to keep emigration from the country, and thus an injury inflicted on the industrial prosperity of the country exceeding a thousand fold the increased benefit in the way of additional recruits obtained in the manner proposed by Mr. Blunt.

Being a member of the Board of Supervisors, as well as of this Commission, I have deemed it proper to advise you of what occurred in relation to this matter, to which I have taken the liberty of appending my own views of the application, as the subject appears to me.

Yours respectfully,

Bernard Casserly,

General Agent.

(1) New York Irish American 23rd July 1864;

References

New York Irish American 23rd July 1864. No Recruiting in Castle Garden.

This year we are remembering the 150th anniversary of the 1864 campaigns of the American Civil War. 1864 looms large in many of the pension files relating to Irishmen and their families that I have examined. That year, thousands of Northern Irishmen died both on battlefields and in Confederate prisons. For Irish-America, as for much of the American population, 1864 was a year of blood. The 25th of this month will mark the 150th anniversary of one of the most catastrophic days in what was already a costly year for Irish servicemen in the Army of the Potomac. It is a day which deserves significant attention from those of us interested in the Irish experience of the American Civil War.

The Second Battle of Ream’s Station as depicted in Frank Leslie’s Scenes and Portraits of the Civil War (Frank Leslie)

The 25th August marks the anniversary of the Second Battle of Reams’ Station, when the Second Corps of the Army of the Potomac suffered its worst defeat of the war. Among the killed and captured were men from what had been the Irish Brigade, men from Corcoran’s Irish Legion, and men from other ‘ethnic’ Irish units. Large numbers of Irishmen were also present throughout the non-ethnic units of the Second Corps. Over the course of the coming weeks I hope to return to Ream’s Station on a number of occasions. The letter below was written by Second Lieutenant Dean Wilson of the 155th New York, Corcoran’s Irish Legion, on 28th August- three days after the battle. Addressed to the brother of the regiment’s Lieutenant-Colonel in Buffalo, it makes clear the scale of the disaster for his brigade:

Friend Mathew,

I now undertake the painful duty of informing you of the severe loss our Brigade met with on Thursday, 25th: that day the 1st and 2d Division of our Corps lay at Reams Station on the Weldon R.R.; about 5,500 muskets, the Division (Gibbon’s) being very small, and 12 pieces of artillery, with some Cavalry, under Gen. Gregg, Gen Hancock commanding the whole. Early in the morning our pickets were driven in at all points, and the rebel sharpshooters annoyed our batteries considerably; then commenced the fight in reality: we lay on the right angle of the 1st Division; they charged six times on our right and were repulsed with slaughter, but they brought up their batteries, I should say 20 or 25 pieces, and opened on us simultaneously; they were in such force they overlapped our lines in the right and let and came up in our rear; then commenced the slaughter. From front and rear they came swarming in with their yells, and seizing the artillery turned it immediately on our men; the Lieut. Col. was captured while endeavoring to get the men to stand by the guns. Capt. McConvey was wounded severely and carried about a mile, then the men that were carrying him had to leave him as the rebels were in our rear and right on top of us; he gave his money to the Adjutant of the 152d N.Y., who was captured with it afterwards, and Capt. McC., also, taken prisoner. Captains Doran. Pagee, Peluz, Quintz, Flynn, Hartford and Davis were captured. Lieut. Quinn was wounded in the arm and got off. We losr 41 men out of 75. CO. I lost James Clark, P. Donohugh and David Smith missing. J. Ryan and George Harry wounded, but got off the field. Co. K lost Sergt. McGowan, P. Kiennan, Amengo Bogert, James Cotter, P. Dolan, Louis Katrick missing; Sergt. Seymour was captured but got away again. The 164th has only one officer left- Capt. Burke. Thomas Cantwell was wounded and got off; the Brigade loss was 500 men; the 170th has one officer and about 30 men out of 150. We saved our Colors, so did the 69th and 170th; the 164th lost theirs; so did the 8th N.Y.H.A., who are in our Brigade. Prisoners taken told our officers that we were fighting Hill’s whole corps and two DIvisions of Beauregard’s Command, I hope and trust that my comrades and your friends will not be let rot in a Confederate prison; they captured from us 8 or 10 pieces of artillery and 1,700 prisoners.

Many of our troops would not leave the pits at all, preferring capture and imprisonment to running the chances of getting out from under the destructive artillery fire that was concentrated on us from all points front and rear, right and left. Gen. Hancock led a charge in person on the right, and Gen. Gibbon exposed himself fearlessly, but the day was gone against the noble 2d corps. Capt. Emblee, of Gen. Gibbons staff, led the 164th and the 8th N.Y.H.A., on the charge; but it was useless, as at that time the enemy were swinging in our rear; their artillery checked their rear from capturing more of us as they mowed down their own men with the artillery they captured and turned on us. I hope, dear friend, that I will never get in such another “tight place,” Gen. Gibbon cried; Hancock to-day and yesterday will let no one approach him; this is the first time the old corps was ever whipped; but the odds were three to one in artillery and men. I have tried to give you as true a statement as possible. Charley Priest is safe; also, the following men of Company I and K:- Sergeant P. Kelly, Sergeant Opping, — Seymour, John Donohue, William Heffernan, Allan Gray, James Griffin, John Monahan, Dan Frawley, and John Gallaher; we have four officers and thirty-eight men left. Please show this letter to Captain McNally, when you get through. Dr. Hasbrouck of the 164th, was ordered to take charge of the wounded when he comes back I may find something more definite in relation to the Lieutenant-Colonel and the men; if so, I will let you know at the earliest opportunity. Hoping you will have patience and take the brightest side of the picture,

I remain, your friend,

Dean Wilson,

2d Lieutenant, 155th N.Y.S.V. (1)

Shortly after receiving this letter the Irish-American also received a list of casualties among the brigade’s officers as follows:

One Hundred and Seventieth N.Y. Vols.- Major J.B. Donnelly, wounded and prisoner; Capt. James H. Keely, Capt. Turner, Adjt. Dunne, Lieuts. Quigley and Whelan, also wounded and prisoners. The command went into the fight some 70 strong, and lost more than half.

Sixty-Ninth, N.Y.S.M.- Capt. Welpley, killed; Lieut. D. Sweeney, killed; Capt. Canton and Lieut. O’Farrell, wounded; Lieut. E. Kelly, captured.

One Hundred and Fifty-Fifth N.Y. Vols- Major Byrne, Capts. Page, Doran, Pelouze and Lieut. O’Flynn, captured.

One Hundred and Sixty-Fourth, N.Y. Vols.- Major Beatty, Capts. Kelly, Hearne, O’Reilly and others, captured.  

The Legion now numbers about 200 men. (2)

Despite the slant that Lieutenant Wilson put on proceedings the Second Corps had not performed well at Ream’s Station. Consistently used as a strike arm during the course of the 1864 campaign, it was no longer the powerful formation it had once been. Battle fatigue and almost relentless casualties had taken their toll. Unfortunately the Lieutenant’s hope that the men would not be ‘left to rot’ in Confederate prisons did not come to fruition; many of those taken at Ream’s Station would never see their homes again.

(1) New York Irish-American 17th September 1864. (2) Ibid.

References

New York Irish-American 17th September 1864. War News.

Civil War Trust Second Battle of Ream’s Station Page

In 1832 James Fleming was born to Malcolm and Ann Jane Fleming in Islandbawn, Co. Antrim. The family would later move to nearby Larne when Malcolm established a nursery there, and it was here that James grew up. In 1857 the young man decided to leave Antrim to try his luck in North America. Arriving first in Canada, he eventually made his home in New York. James would go on to serve as an infantry and cavalry officer in the American Civil War- a conflict which ultimately cost him his life. I was recently contacted by one of his descendants, Louise Brown, who has painstakingly transcribed a series of 18 letters written by and regarding James. They offer a remarkable insight into James’s experiences both before and during the war. With Louise’s permission, over the course of the coming a weeks these letters will be shared with you in their entirety.

With the coming of the American Civil War in 1861 26-year-old James Fleming was commissioned a Second Lieutenant in the 9th New York Volunteers- Hawkins’ Zouaves. After his two-year term of service expired he was mustered out in May 1863, but he did not spend long out of uniform. On 27th July 1863 James became a First Lieutenant and Quartermaster in the 16th New York Cavalry, subsequently being promoted Captain of Company M. He was killed in action at Fairfax Station, Virginia on 8th August 1864, during an engagement with Mosby’s Rangers. (1)

Provost Guard of the 9th New York Infantry in 1862 (Library of Congress)

James Fleming’s demise did not go unnoticed on either side of the Atlantic. New York newspapers, including the New York Irish-American, carried word of his death, as did the Belfast Newsletter. Neither did his family forget him. The family headstone at the now unused Unitarian Meeting House in Antrim Town bears the following inscription:

Erected by Malcolm Fleming of Larne

For Sara Jane who died in America 1835 aged 33 years.

Also his son James Captain in 16^th New York Cavalry who was

Killed at Fairfax by a gang of guerillas 8^th Aug 1864

Also Malcolm Fleming 13^th Feb 1869 aged 86 years

Also wife Ann Jane died 26^th Nov 1869 aged 82 years (2)

Later posts will explore James’s war service through the letters he wrote in 1861, 1862 and 1863. This post contains the first letter in the series, written shortly after James arrived in North America. Dated 29th September 1857, he is writing to let his parents know how his voyage went, what life is like in Canada, and to inquire how everyone is at home:

Post Office

Toronto September 29th/57

Dear Mother

I received your long welcome letter on Saturday last it gives me great pleasure to hear of your all being well as this leaves me quite well at present. You say I gave you no news in my last so I must give you them all this time. When I left Belfast Lough on my outward voyage I felt rather lonely but in a few days I became to like it much better. I assisted the Dr in feeling the old womens pulses and cheering the young ones. My possessions lasted for about 5 weeks there was an old man & his son were in the same place with myself & the young chap cooked for me. I gave away a great deal of my bread to them that I thought required it but Lucky Jim never went hungry to bed for that as I got plenty. The long voyage I need scarce tell you any news concerning it as I could fill a newspaper of my adventures on the voyage but I never had one hours sickness & so I looked after them that was sick. When I got into Quebec I sold Bed & bedding for 6/-. I kept my old Rag a trusty friend I think there were about 6 or 7 nights that it was my Bed & Blanket but that was my own fault. I was counting from Quebec to Toronto – up the canal is most beautiful but indeed I was in no way to enjoy it. I had a very good bed and was very comfortable all the voyage. Sometimes I would have got a tumble out of my birth [sic.] but I had not far to fall as I slept on the bottom birth [sic.]. I am thinking long for such another sail I liked it so well. If I sucede [sic.] here I intend paying Mary Ann a visit in the spring & then my next tour will be to Ould Ireland again the spring following as I am determined on this you will have the satisfaction of seeing me in Larne again. I got a situation in a shop a few days after I arrived but did not get much salary it payed my washing and got me a pair of boots – but I have got a better one in the pantichnetcha [?] same as John Smyth [?]. I have £60 & board but expects to get more after a short time its a sorry place this for young men much worse than Belfast. Canada has not been so dull since it quit sucking or the Christening (I am not sure which) plenty going about doing nothing nor cannot get anything to do of any sort but thank goodness I have had my fill of work since I came here. I am in this place a month its a very comfortable place breakfast at ½ past 7 shop at 8 o’clock get tea fresh meat or eggs, dinner at 1 o’clock tea at 7 shop closes. The grub first rate always 3 or 4 dishes at dinner quite different from home always pies or pudding of some sort or other after dinner. I have a very comfortable bed turns in at 10 o’clock out at 7 aint that good hours never had my health as good. I suppose Alex is quit courting in the Evgs or has he fetched Nancy to the Point yet as Henry says he aught give a chap an invitation if not to the wedding he might to the party in the Evg.  If I was there I would give him a hand to beat by Dan yet. I had a paper from Mary Ann that is all as yet she must not have got my letter that I wrote or I would have surely got an answer before this. I am very glad to hear of Thos Luceys as to the increase in his family also his crops doing so well & hopes that Nancy is quite well again. Dear mother you must take better care of yourself for you know that you are not so able to stand the fatigue now as what you were a few years ago. I am glad that my father stands it so well as I suppose he will have the nursery a beautiful place when I come over to see it. You tell me you had a great deal of lightening this summer its myself that sees the lightening one incessant flash for hours its awful in a dark night but we have not much thunder but where it does come it shakes the earth. Fires are very plenty here stunners will burn a whole street before they get it stopped we had a first rate one the other night I had a view of it out of my bedroom window in 3 hours burnt down a whole square of houses. You want to know what sort of churches we have the same as home all sorts there are 2 Unitarians in the city I stroll into some of them sometimes. I am very sorry to hear about Jas Cummings but hopes he will get better. I have not no one that I know from the old Country yet I have not went to see Mr Magee as yet but I heard about him he lives some distance out of the city. I called upon Mrs Renford [?] I dined there a few times she tried to get me into a situation but one must try for themselves when they come to this country. I think I have nothing particular to say we have fine weather at present something like our March weather dry & cold rather warm during midday but cold in the mornings & Evgs, we will have such weather as this to December then frost & snow very severe I believe.

Dear mother I hope you will make Henry take care of himself during this winter if he catches a severe cold it will not be well for him but I hope Andy will look to that as he does in times and not let it settle upon him as it done before. I have had a paper from Malcolm I wrote him but hav not got the answer as yet but hopes to get it soon. Dear mother you can give my kind regards to all inquiring friends as if separately mentioned particularly Mrs Rodgers & Mrs Rankin & sister if you see any one ——– long to hear from tell them I will write them in a few days as yours is the first & then comes the rest as I have time. I must finish my bedfellow is just rolled into bed I am writing this in my bedroom after 10 o’clock. I have nothing now particular to say. Kind love to my father & yourself & hopes you will take care & not slave yourself so much. Kind love to Dunadry folks tell Sally if you see her she might write me a few lines as I have nothing particular or I would write her. I will be writing Andy in a few days I got his & Henry’s letter at the same time as yours & Alex few lines tell Alex to write me a long letter when he gets his harvest saved and let me have all the news. Farewell for the present from your

affectionate Son

James. (3)

*The next set of letters will catch up with James after his move to New York and enlistment in the 9th New York Infantry in 1861. Note that some punctuation has been added to the letter above for ease of reading. Sincere thanks are due to Louise Brown for sharing these letters with readers of Irish in the American Civil War.

(1) New York Adjutant General; (2) Louise Brown Transcription; (3) Louise Brown Transcription;

References

New York State Adjutant General. Rosters of the 9th New York Infantry and 16th New York Cavalry.

On the face of things, Irishwomen Honora Cleary, Eleanor Hogg and Maria Sheppel had little in common. For a start, they were from different parts of Ireland; Honora hailed from Cappoquin, Co. Waterford, Eleanor lived in Boyle, Co. Roscommon and Maria had grown up in Ballinasloe, Co. Galway. Neither did the women share the same religion; Honora and Eleanor were Roman Catholic, while Maria was Church of Ireland. What they did share was that all were married with children, all were illiterate, and all were extremely poor. All three were also specifically referred to in correspondence that U.S. Consul William West sent to America in July 1865. The reason for this was that they had all had suffered the same experience; each of their husband’s had died while in Union service on the other side of the Atlantic.

Separation. Many Irish families could not afford to emigrate together. For whatever reason, all three of these women’s husbands left their family’s and home for America, never to return (Library of Congress)

 U.S. Consulate Dublin & Galway July 31st 65

The Hon J. H. Barrett

Commr of Pensions

Washington US

Sir

I have the honor to send you herewith the Army Pension Claims of three Widows of our decd soldiers viz Honora Cleary, Eleanor Hogg and Maria Sheppell, none of whom you will perceive can write and being also extremely indigent in fact w.o. be in the Poor House but for the pay due to their husbands which I have obtained & paid to them you can imagine the difficulty in getting the necessary information from such people. I trust therefore you will, if possible, kindly overlook any defects or deficiency in them, which I have done all in my power to avoid, and by advising Mr. Hudson of their rect. You will oblige

yrs Obedly Wm B. West Consul

There is no reason to believe that any of these women ever set foot in the United States. Indeed these Civil War widows were still making their homes in the same localities where they had led most of their lives. Eleanor (née McDonagh) had been the first of the women to marry, when she wed farmer Farrell Hogg of Corskeagh, Co. Sligo at Riverstown Catholic Church on 21st September 1835. Next had been Honora (née Browne) and Francis Michael Cleary, who tied the knot at Cappoquin Catholic Church in Co. Waterford on 21st August 1843. Maria Galvin began her life with whip maker Nicholas Sheppel in the Church of Ireland Church of Ballinasloe, Co. Galway on 5th October 1846.

Not long after their marriages each of the three women had started families. Nicholas and Maria Sheppel had at least six children: Bedelia (1848), Henry (1851), Esther (1854), Catherine (1856), Peter (1858) and Elizabeth (1863). Francis Michael and Honora Cleary had three children who survived infancy: Francis (1844), John (1847) and Thomas (1848). Like the Sheppels, the Hoggs also had six children, although we only have the names of four: Patrick (18??), Catherine (1839), John (1842) and Farrell Jr. (1851).

The Camp of the 6th New York Heavy Artillery at Brandy Station, April 1864. Nicholas Sheppel was in the regiment when this image was exposed (Library of Congress)

Why did their husband’s leave for America? None of the women claimed that they had been deserted; Eleanor Hogg remarked that she got regular correspondence from her husband, who had journeyed to the United States ‘several years’ before 1862. Although Honora Cleary does not specify the reason behind her husband’s departure, he had emigrated by 1858. The only woman whose husband actually traveled to America during the war was Maria Sheppel; the couple’s last child was born in Galway in 1863. Perhaps her husband Nicholas was seeking to take advantage of the late war enlistment bounties, but it seems likely that all three of the men made their choices for economic reasons, and perhaps were hopeful of sending for their wives later on.

Whatever their initial motivations for emigration, each of the women’s husbands ended up in the Union army. Francis Michael Cleary from Cappoquin had chosen the life of a professional U.S. soldier in 1858- he lost his life on 27th June 1862 while serving in Company G of the 10th United States Infantry at the Battle of Gaines’ Mill. He was 44-years-old. Only two days later, on 29th June 1862, Sligo farmer Farrell Hogg fell wounded at the Battle of Savage Station. In October 1861 the 40-year-old had enlisted in what became Company D of the 88th New York Infantry, part of the Irish Brigade. Farrell was taken prisoner, but died on 5th August while on his way from Richmond to Washington D.C. having been exchanged. Nicholas Sheppel was the youngest of the men when the Galway whip maker enlisted in Company F of the 6th New York Heavy Artillery, at the age of 35, on 4th February 1864. He had likely only been in the United States a matter of weeks. His military career lasted barely four months- by the 16th June he was dead, succumbing to chronic dysentry at Stanton General Hospital in Washington D.C.

The skeletal remains of the fallen still litter the battlefield of Gaines’ Mill in this image taken later in the war. This was the engagement in which Francis Michael Cleary lost his life (Library of Congress)

We are extremely fortunate that a most remarkable letter relating to one of these families survives. It was written to Eleanor Hogg in September 1862 by her nephew in New York. It is reproduced below as it appears in the original, which highlights the haphazard spelling and punctuation of many emigrant letters from the period (see for example ‘two’, used instead of ‘to’). As Eleanor was illiterate, this must have been read out to her at her home in Ireland, perhaps by one of her children. It is hard to imagine what that experience must have been like, as the letter informed her of not one death, but two. As well as providing her with news of her husband’s fate, it also communicated the death of her son Pat:

New york September 12th 1862

Dear Ant i sit down two write these few lines two you Hoping this will Find you and youre Children in good health As this leaves us all at Present thankes be two god for His Kind Blessence two us all

Dear Aunt i have two Inform you aboute the death Of youre Son patt Hogg he is Dead nine month ago he was Abord of one of the northern vesseles going two orleanes And when he Caim achore Heare in newyorke he got His pay and got thirsti I supose and fell down one Of the Hatchweays of the vessel And teaken away two the Hospitle and died soon After wars i heard nothing of His deathe untill last july Untill i went two his bording Hous two enquire of him his Bording mistrees told me that He was dead

Deare ant i have two inform abaute a worst Newes farrell listed in the Irish brigade that is the 88 regiment newyorke Volenteers he got wond on the 29 of june and died of His wound on the 5 of August He was Captured by ther Enemy when he wir wound Sou the got ther liberty and He died on his way Coming Backe two the Capittel of Washington. Deare ant Farrells his Comrearde wrote a letter Two me after he gitting wonded In cease he would die for me two Cleam his money as i was the nearest reletive two him i wint two head quarters and i steated my Cease two A loyer aboute his mone as i was the neares reletive two him It went in the handes of the Courte     Now that the Courte was adgourend unttill i get Answer from this letter

Dear Ant i would have Now delay in getting this money if Patt was living    Sou the are Puting me two greate ——– Aboute it. Deare Ant let me Now two the best of your nolege how longe you are marieed and the priests Neam that maried you and Certifie in your letter whiter i can [end of letter]

By the time Eleanor was seeking the Consul’s assistance in securing a pension, in 1865, she was living in Boyle, Co. Roscommon. Only three of her six children had outlived her husband. Maria Sheppel also appears to have moved, leaving Ballinasloe for Galway city. The U.S. Consul described how Maria was ‘in great poverty with sevl young children I have just received a strong appeal from a Banker at Galway on her behalf.’ Honora Cleary was likewise finding times tough for her family in Cappoquin. She later outlined that ‘all this time I had no resource upon with to support these orphans except the hard industry of my own hands.’

Honora Cleary, Eleanor Hogg and Maria Sheppel all ultimately received a Widow’s Pension from the United States government. Their story is another example of the impact this seemingly far away conflict had on people in Ireland, highlighting the fact that the repercussions of the struggle between North and South were not only felt by those Irish who made their homes in America. Unfortunately the heartbreaking experiences of Irishwomen like Honora, Eleanor and Maria- and thousands like them on both sides of the Atlantic- remain all but forgotten in Ireland today.

‘The hard industry of my own hands': Women like Honora Cleary faced a struggle for survival when their husbands died on the other side of the Atlantic (Library of Congress)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References

Francis Michael Cleary Widow’s Pension File WC62802

Farrell Hogg Widow’s Pension File WC98727

Nicholas Sheppell Widow’s Pension File WC62799

As regular readers of the blog will know, I spend a lot of time looking through Civil War Widow’s & Dependent’s Pension Files. Many of these files contain original letters written home by soldiers during the war. Having spent a number of months compiling a database of Irish-American letters from men in New York regiments, I am now in the process of transcribing them with a view to future publication. Each of the men whose letters I transcribe have one thing in common- all died as a result of their service. I must admit, I find it extremely difficult to remain detached from the stories that leap from these letters. These men often poured their hopes, their dreams and their fears into them; reading each one in the certain knowledge that their life was extinguished during the conflict is an emotionally charged experience. It has certainly increased my determination to see that they and their families- Ireland’s forgotten emigrants- are finally remembered at home. This weekend I have transcribed three letters relating to Irish-American Private James Sharkey of the 21st New York Cavalry, all of which were written home to his mother in September 1863. Seldom has the character of a man emerged so powerfully from the page; hard-working, jovial, fun, determined, loving- and extremely young. I wanted to share some of his character with you, that he might be remembered.

Staten Island and the Narrows c. 1861. James Sharkey wrote home to Rochester from Staten Island. (Library of Congress)

James Sharkey’s parents Martin and Margaret (née Gibbon) were married in Ireland on 14th December 1837 by Father Peter O’Connor. In the early 1840s they emigrated to Canada, where they settled and where their first two children were born. In a move common for Irish emigrants, after a few years they moved on to the United States, where they decided to live in Rochester, New York. It was in Rochester that their third child James was born, the first of a further six additions to arrive.

James Sharkey was probably seventeen years-old when he enlisted in Rochester, New York on 11th August 1863. He was mustered as a private in Company C of the 21st New York Cavalry on 28th August 1863. That September he sent at least three letters home to let his mother know how he was faring in the army. When he joined up, James was still learning how to write and clearly intended to practice as much as possible while in the military. He proudly proclaimed to his mother that ‘I can spell prety good now and I studing to read every day’.

A number of themes are apparent across James’s letters. He quickly grew fond of the military life, and thought it was good for him. Writing from Camp Sprague, Staten Island on 4th September, a week after he mustered, James told his mother ‘we are having a goodtime here and we are enjoying ourselves fine we have plenty to eat and drink and nothing to do but to drill once a day and parade once a day and that does not amount to over one hours work a day my health is good and I am getting fat as a bear.’ The next couple of weeks didn’t change things, as on 18th September he was ‘engoing [sic.] myself we get plenty to eat I get as fat as a dog’. It wasn’t all plain sailing, though. On the 20th he admitted that ‘we have not hat it very hard yet’ but that ‘once or twice we did not get anough to eat wich I did not like…’.

The strictures of the army were something James was having to get used to. When his mother wrote to tell him of a party that was soon to take place in Rochester, he wasn’t pleased, clearly unhappy at the prospect of missing out: ‘I did not like you have tolt me of that party I would like to be there myself once more but I canot do it as you know’. Perhaps one of the reasons he was sore at missing it was because of a certain young woman- Mary Ann Gilligan. Mary Ann was the daughter of Irish tailor John Gilligan and lived in Rochester’s Sixth Ward. Born in Ireland, she was 20-years-old in 1863 and seems to have been a friend of James’s 21-year-old sister Kate (who had been born in Canada). James had told his mother to be sure and ‘give my love to Mary Ann Giligan and Kate and tell them I want the matching they was going to give me.’ James had left two ‘phortographs‘ he had taken of himself in Rochester, and asked to have Kate write to her ‘with her phortograph I hope that I will get it and Mary Ann Gilligan phortograph I would like to have two.’ Perhaps most telling, on 18th September James asked his mother to ‘tell Mary Ann Gilligan my best respects and tell her that I am very sory that I could not dance the divel out of her [perhaps alluding to the party] tell her that I waiting every day for them phortographs.’

Despite the fact that he was missing many aspects of life at home, the camp at Staten Island held some charms, particularly given its proximity to New York City- a city the size of which James had never seen. On the 20th he wrote ‘this is a nice place I hat a pass to go to New York yesterday and I was lost in the city it is a very large city and I hat a lots of fun there.’ He was also making friends, particularly with one of the other Rochester boys, 20-year-old ‘Jony Lynn’ (probably John Ling on the regimental roster, recorded as deserting on 6th October 1863) who he described as ‘just like a brother to me’. But James knew he wouldn’t be at Camp Sprague forever. Rumours were rife as to the regiment’s ultimate destination, and Texas topped the list. It was not something that he was enthusiastic about: ‘we expect to go to Washington in a few days and then to Texas to fight with the Indians I do not like to go to Texas for it is a prety hard place to go two.’

James’s letters also reveal that money was often tight at the family home in 15 Mount Hope Avenue. His father Martin had been unable to support the family properly since 1857, when a fall from a building during construction work on the 4th November 1854 severely damaged his right hip. From then on, the responsibility for earning enough for the family to survive had fallen on the Sharkey’s eldest children. Prior to his enlistment James had already spent eight years working in the local nursery, run by Patrick Barry (suggesting he started employment there around the age of nine) and giving all his wages to his parents. When he joined up in 1863 he was following in the footsteps of his older brother John, who was already earning a regular wage in the army. The straitened circumstances of the war had meant his father had again had to seek out work, despite his lameness. On 18th September James wrote that he was ‘glad to hear that Father is going to work in the nursery’ (presumably the same nursery where James had been employed). He continued: ‘Dear Mother I think you must be prety hard up for mony but you must not be discuraged for you know if I was home I wuld give you some mony once in wile.’ He promised to send ’60 Dollars wich will come good for you this winter and then Jony will sent you some’ and encouraged her to ‘tell father to work for he knows he has not much help’. James hints at the fact that his father may have struggled with the impact of his disability. It seems his mother wrote to him lamenting that so many of her children were no longer at home, to which James responded: ‘Dear Mother you must have a kind of open Heart to have 4 of us left from home but you cant blame us for Father is so mean to us that we have to leave home. Dear Mother there is no use in crying spoiled milk for we will all be home again for this war will be over before long.’ He added, ‘Dear Mother you have tolt me to trust in god I will do it and I have a prayer book and I say my prayers every night.’

Unfortunately James’s war was over before long. The rumours of the regiment move to Texas had proved false- James and his comrades were instead bound for Washington D.C. and then Virginia. On 26th October 1863- less than two months after James Sharkey had mustered into the 21st New York Cavalry, and only a month after his last letter, his mother Margaret received the following:

Camp Stoneman DC Oct 26/63

Mrs Margaret Sharkey

It is my painful duty to inform you that your son James Sharkey of Co C 21 NY Vol Cavy died on Saturday Evening Oct 24th at the General Hospital of this Camp of Malignant Typhoid fever after an illness of about eight days.

I can assure you that in all the circumstances attending his illness he showed a remarkable patience and in all ways displayed a desire to give but little trouble to those around him. As a soldier, though so young, he was remarkable for his willing and cheerful attendance to duty, and I cannot but sympathise deeply with you in your loss of so good a son.

His death surprised us all. I had no idea that he was so near his end, and had charged the Surgeon on friday to notify me in case he should become dangerous- be promised to do so and seemed much surprised himself at the rapid progress made by the disease, when it was too late to arrest its progress.

The men of Company C have had the body embalmed and sent home for burial, thinking it may be a poor comfort to you his mother to have his body resting near your own- It is all the sympathy they can show you in your sorrow, but it is honest and earnest. 

James had not an enemy in the company and altho’ he has not been permitted to yield up his life on the field of honor yet the sacrifice is none the less glorious- His lifes strength has been yielded up in the cause of Humanity, Liberty and Godliness and his reward is reached. Let his memory be kept ever green as one of the patriot martyrs of the day.

His effects have been forwarded to you with his body. Some $75 of Bounty remains sue to him from the Government and pay from the 11th July at $13 per month the Govt therefore owes him $120.00 as follows:

Bounty $75.00

Pay $45.06

Total $120.06

Which you can get by applying thro the Sanitary Commission, without charge- let me advise you to apply thro the agent of that society instead of going to Lawyer agents.

His clothing & c are here they are not worth sending home. Should there be anything amongst his effects worth sending to you it will be forwarded by Express.

Hoping that you may be sustained and comforted in your day of affliction by “He that tempers the wind to the Shorn Lamb” and that you may finally meet those called before in a happier and better Land I remain

Truly Your Friend

John S Jennings

Capt Co C 21 Reg NY Cavy

Washington D.C.

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References

James Sharkey Widow’s Pension File

1860 US Federal Census

New York Adjutant General Roster of the 21st New York Cavalry

In the first of the James Fleming letters the man from Larne, Co. Antrim described his emigration to Canada in 1857 and the first weeks of his new life across the Atlantic. We join him nearly four years later. Now settled in New York, James writes home to Ulster to tell his family of his ‘change of business’- he is now an officer serving with the 9th New York Infantry in Virginia. The letter, written from Newport News, Virginia, describes camp life and the beauty of the Virginia countryside. James writes of his hopes of starting a farm following his two year term (although he expects the war to be over in a matter of weeks) and of his desire to get back to Larne for a visit. At one point he interrupts his letter to go out on evening drill, returning afterwards to complete his correspondence. Having not written to his family in nine months, the 26-year-old is full of inquiries about those at home, and also of assurances that he will be in more regular contact in the future.

When James wrote this letter on 12th August he had been in the army for three months, having mustered in as a Second Lieutenant in Company I on 4th May 1861. The 9th New York Infantry was commanded by Colonel Rush C. Hawkins and was known as ‘Hawkins’ Zouaves’ based on the brightly coloured North-African inspired uniforms they wore. It mustered in on 4th May (James was one of its original members) and was designated the 9th New York on 13th May. Following training, it left New York for Newport News on 6th June, arriving in Virginia on the 8th of that month. (1)

The Camp of the 9th New York- Hawkins’ Zouaves- at Newport News, Virginia in 1861. James Fleming wrote his letter home to Larne from here that August (Library of Congress)

New Port News

Virginia

Augst 12^th 1861

My Dear Father Mother & Brothers,

Dear Mother I suppose you have heard before this time of my change in business. I have given up my old occupation for that of soldiering. I have joined the American Army for 2 years and so I am United States Commissioned Officer. I hold the rank of Lieutenant in the 9^th Regiment of U.S. Volunteers (or New York Zouaves). We are at present camped on Virginia soil on the banks of the James river a beautiful place and a very desirable place at present for government to hold, as it commands the mouth of the river, we have fine bathing good fishing and plenty of oysters and we enjoy ourselves first rate we have been here for two months and I may say had nothing to do as yet there has been several fights and our side has always been victorious for so far the inhabitants have all cleared off on our arrival and left everything that belongs to a farmer behind them. Tell Alex if I was any way near him I could give him a couple of good colts as any man could wish to own. I went out the other day with 2 of my men and got 2 very handsome ones we had some trouble in Breaking them but the ride first rate at present they are rising 3 year old. I have 2 three year old, 1 about 5 year old & also a mule hard to tell its age so you see I have as many as will start farming when my 2 years are up. I have spent the most of 4 months already as time will roll. I will give you a little of camp life we landed here early in June on a beautiful Saturday morning pitched our tents in as fine a field of what as I have seen since I left old Larne it was up to my [shoulders] so you can judge of its height – as I am a good 6 feet. We remained there until Sunday morning struck out tents and went a little further south into a fine field of Indian Corn and pitched them there the same day that took us the most of that Sunday by the time we had all finished both officers & men were ready for a rest so spent the first Sunday in Virginia we got our pickets posted and our sentries. Pickets are a company of men sent out about 1 ½ to 2 miles to guard against an enemy approaching and on account of so many hogs & cattle running lose we were alarmed 3 times that night all called out by the long roll of the drum waiting to see the enemy but none has come as yet. At daylight in the morning drum beats to get up, at 5 o’clock the roll is called to see that all men are present, then they perform police duty which is cleaning out their tents and brushing in front of them to half past 6 they have for swimming and washing themselves at 7 they turn out for drill which last to 8 ½ o’clock then they have from that time unto 6 in the evening for any sort of amusement they wish some go a fishing and some into the woods & some reading & such ways they pass their time at 6 pm turn out for drill which lasts for one hour and half then supper all go to bed at 9 o’clock turn out at 4 so you can see pretty much how time is spent. I have been out with several scouting parties and has taken a great many small trophys such as Brooks (?) ornaments but too troublesome to keep & so when we get tired of them we pitch them away –

Dear Mother you can see that we are not overpowered with work and then the officers have much less to do only superintend the men working and so Dear Mother I almost know what you will say when you read this but I can assure you that [I] would not give my present occupation up for anything that I know of. I am content and in good health as content as possible could be away from home and also my health was never better I am stout & strong. I left word at my old place to have any papers or letters forwarded to me that would arrive but I hope not away for the last 4 months. I hope this will find you all enjoying good health and hopes with the blessing of God to see you all again as it will be my first trip at the expiration of my time as I am longing to see some of my old friends again about Larne. I had a letter from Mary Ann a few days ago she mentioned you were all well and she also mentioned she was writing home but I do not know whether she mentioned about my movements or not as I only expected I would remain in the army for 3 months and was delaying writing to you to the expiration of that time as it was expected that the 3 months volunteers would quell all disturbances but they had very little to do but a great many of them volunteered for 2 years some for 3 also some for during the war but its not expected to last longer than the 1^st of Sept or Oct at the outside as we have two hundred thousand men in the field at present and has taken one of the strongest batteries that the rebels held and I may say that we have only to take 2 more which will leave them without a stronghold. Dear Mother this I may say has been the reason of not writing to you sooner but I can assure you never for one moment did I forget my Dear Parents & Brothers at home but I can assure you I will not neglect so long in writing again as you may expect to hear from me often during my stay in the army which I know it will give you all pleasure to get & which I hope Dear Mother you might forgive me my seeming neglect in not answering your last as I believe you have not got any word from me now for 9 months which I am sorry that I let such occur. I am very desirous of getting a letter from home as I have not got any in some time and does not know how my Brothers are doing or how my Father is getting along in the Nursery if he could only see the Peach, ?, Grapes etc growing here he would be astonished we have some nice fruit out here you will be surprised when I tell you that the Blackberry here is looked upon as a nice dish but then we have a great many sorts of Berrys here which is very nice. Dear Mother give my love to all of my old friends I suppose when Tomy Rankin next home he gave you all of the news give Anny and him my kind regards also her sister & mother not forgetting Mrs M Rankin & sister and all of my enquiring friends also any of my young friends that may think me worthy of a thought as I often, when I am all alone think of the pleasant days spent in Larne and wonder if I will ever meet them all again as I can fancy myself walking into Larne some time off, and meeting some of my old acquaintances and having a good shake of the hand but 5 or 6 years I dare say will make a great change some left some married & the young about growing old & yet when I look back I can only think it a few short weeks since I left her shores and since that time I have had good health and never wanted a friend which I may thank the giver of all good gifts for and hopes I will always have an overseeing eye to guide me and protect me from all harm. Dear Mother I feel rather uneasy about not getting any papers or letter they may have been sent to New York to me & not forwarded from that, but I hope that my Brothers are all well hoping that Henry is still continuing in good health as I feel rather uneasy about him on account of not getting any papers as he used to send them often when I was in New York. I suppose that Andy is still enjoying home happiness or rather happiness at home. I would not be at all surprised to hear that he had got married or some such desperate action – but I think he will follow in Thos’ footsteps and be afraid to do anything of that sort until he sees old age staring him in the face and then remorse will probe him to take such a step as for Alex & Agnes I suppose they are enjoying that quiet happiness which is only to be found in a loving wife and a happy mother which I think Agnes would make and for poor old Tom I suppose he is going to live his days out by doing one day & undoing the next. I hope that he & Agnes are raising a family which will do credit to the name of Flemming hoping they are both enjoying that great blessing good health as for Malcolm & Marianna I hope they are well and erased from their memory that speck of the past and living only for each other as I hope she will make a loving wife & good mother. Send her or give her my warmest & kindest love as many a happy day I spent with them as I know she will be glad to hear that I am well and doing well. I hope yet to see Malcolm & her in a better position than they ever occupied as their is no position so as what we work for & then we know how to appreciate it, and now, how is Sally enjoying her wedded life or what sort of a man has she got as I have not been able to get any news concering him or how he is circumstanced as I would feel sorry if she had not made a good match as she was well deserving of a good Husband.

Dear Mother I hope that you and father are enjoying health and happiness and hopes to see you enjoying manys the happy day yet. I hope you will both be spurd to see all of your children gathered around you again as I expect that at the expiration of my 2 years If I am spared at that time that Mary Ann & family will accompany me home on a visit. Dear Mother have you had any word from my aunt lately as they were talking very much about coming home during this summer but I think that they are too much afraid of spending what little they have but it may do them much good and it may not but its well guarded at present. I would not be much surprised if it would get well spent yet for her they were both very well when I left New York and have received several papers from Thos and one letter which he states they are all well. Aunt Peggy was only home a short time before I left she was well and looked well stout & healthy looking how is my uncle and family getting along or has he got any work to do yet that letter that the girls wrote to my aunt done them a great deal of harm about my uncle drinking etc as she would have sent him something more but for that letter. Now Dear Mother I must finish as it wants only a short time for to go out with my company for Evg drill. If you could only see the field of corns where we camped in you could not tell it from the road along the shore quite level and all hamped down the soil here is quite sandy you might search for one day and not get one stone as large as a hens egg, there’s the dream. I must finish when I come in. Dear Mother I have returned from my drill & will now finish. How is Sam or is he still living with you yet. I hope that he & Margaret are well. They are several more of my old wellwishers that I cannot recollect at present. Give them my regards Phelix & maty (?) how are they getting along and the lady that kept the small grocery store below that with the 3 daughters how are they – Tell Tom Rankin if he is at home I would like he would write one or Anny as it would give me great pleasure to get a letter from her or Tommy. Tell my Brothers to write me regular so I will give you all of the news as I go along. Dear Mother I will count the days & watch the post to I get word from home. Tell Malcolm I would like to get a few lines from him as I have looked long for one from him as I hope he can spare that length of time to devote to his absent brother as it would give me great pleasure to get one. I am getting a sketch of myself which I forward to you in this letter but will not be finished for 2 days yet which will delay the sending of this off. Dear Mother I will finish for the present and hopes that the course that I am persuing at present will not fret or vex you as I can assure you that I am much better pleased than any business ever I was employed in before healthier and better in every respect. Goodbye for the present and May God Bless you all in the sincere prayers of your affectionate son James.

My address will be

Lieut Jas H Flemming

9^th Regiment United States Volunteers

New Port News

Fortress Monroe

Virginia

America
(2)

*The next set of letters will follow James as he continues his service in the 9th New York Infantry in North Carolina. Note that some punctuation has been added to the letter above for ease of reading. Sincere thanks are due to Louise Brown for sharing these letters of her ancestor, which she has also transcribed, with readers of Irish in the American Civil War.

(1) New York Adjutant General, New York State Military Museum; (2) Louise Brown Transcription;

References

New York State Adjutant General. Rosters of the 9th New York Infantry and 16th New York Cavalry.

New York State Military Museum Unit History Project: 9th Infantry Regiment Civil War.

The Grand Army of the Republic (G.A.R.) was a Union veteran organisation originally founded in 1866. It would eventually become a significant lobby group with major political clout, particularly when it came to veterans affairs. In the State of New York, a number of G.A.R. Posts bore the names of Irishmen who served in the conflict; examples included G.A.R. Post #567 which was named for Thomas Francis Meagher and G.A.R. Post #69 named for James Shields in New York City, and G.A.R. Post #28 in Buffalo named for the McMahons of Corcoran’s Irish Legion. I am interested in how many Irishmen joined these posts, and what their military service history and social profile was. I hope to explore these questions graphically in a number of future articles on these ‘Irish-named’ G.A.R. Posts. This first one looks at some of the statistics for Thomas Francis Meagher Post #88, which was established in Tompkinsville, Staten Island, New York.

The statistics for the graphics below are taken from the Descriptive Book of Thomas Francis Meagher Post #88 from 1st December 1873, which provides details on a total of 46 Post members. The graphics below focus on breakdown by nationality, job-type and residence. A follow-up piece will examine the service of the men, looking at details such as length of service and branch of service. All the graphs have been generated in Excel based on a database I have created of the Post’s members. (2)

The % percentage breakdown by birthplace of the men in Thomas Francis Meagher Post #88. Ireland dominates with 18, followed by the United States by 16. The other countries were England (6), Germany (4), France (1) and Unknown (1). (Click on image for larger view)

The Professions of Thomas Francis Meagher Post #88 members. (Click on image for larger view)

The professions of the Irish-born members of Thomas Francis Meagher Post #88. It is dominated by Laborers, followed by Clerks and Painters. (Click on image for larger view)

The locations where members of Thomas Francis Meagher Post #88 lived. Note that two of the men gave their address as aboard the USN vessel ‘Fern.’ (Click on image for larger view)

Percentage breakdown of where the Irish-born members of the Post lived. Based on 13 men who lived in Tompkinsville (72%) and 5 who lived in New Brighton (28%). (Click on image for larger view)

References

Descriptive List of Grand Army of the Republic Thomas Francis Meagher Post#88, Tompkinsville, Staten Island, New York.

Bridget Burns married her husband William in Ireland on 18th August 1840. When her husband died eight years later, he left Bridget a widow and their only child, Henry, fatherless at the age of six. By the time 1861 came along, Bridget and her son were living 125 Greenwich Avenue, New York. On 19th August that year 19-year-old Henry enlisted, becoming a Private in Company D of the 59th New York Infantry. With that act, Bridget became one of tens of thousands of Irish mothers who spent each day on edge, waiting for news from the front. Over the course of the war Henry regularly corresponded with his mother; he sent his letters to neighbour Catharine Farrell who read them out to the illiterate Irishwoman.

Henry, always keen to hear from home, felt his mother didn’t write to him enough and chastised her for it- at one point in 1863 telling her that ‘there is no excuse for you not writing.’ Still he was grateful when letters did arrive, and especially for the occasional boxes he received, especially if they contained alcohol! As the years passed and the war dragged on, Henry’s term of enlistment began to draw to a close. In December 1863 he decided to take advantage of the financial bounty offered to those who re-enlisted as Veteran Volunteers- and earn himself a furlough home into the bargain. When he got home to New York, he noticed a lot of his friends were marrying their sweethearts. On his return to the army, he wondered if he should have done the same with his girl Ann; he wrote to his mother asking her to tell Ann to ‘have good patance I will be around there one of the days.’ He had a photo of himself taken that April, and cheekily asked his mother to check with Ann see if she ‘receved that beutifull likeness of mine.’

It seems probable that as well as reading Bridget the letters from her son, Catharine Farrell also wrote the responses for her friend. On 22nd June 1864 the two women sat down to write this letter to Henry, who was now engaged with the Army of the Potomac in the Overland Campaign:

New York June 22 1864

My Dear Son,

I sit down to answer your kind and welcome [letter] which I received on the 11th and I am sorry to hear that your cough is so bad but I hope it is better before this and I hope that this will find you in good health as this leaves me and all friends in at present thanks be to God for his mercy to us    Dear Henry I wish to let you know that I sent you that candy in A small box and A small bottle of hot drops for your bowls [bowels] I hope you have it before this for I made no delay in sending it I sent it the day I got yours and the[y] charged me one dollar and 10 cents for postage but no matter what costs it is    When you write again I hope that you will let me know if it does you any good and if it does I will send you plenty more

My Dear son I am sorry to hear that you have such bad times as you have I wish I was near enough to you to give you your hot rum and oysters but I hope withe the help of God that this war will be soon over and that will be speard [spared] to me to see you once more and then I would die contented. Mrs. Finnen feels very bad she had not A letter from John in five weeks since he moved from Harpers Ferry when we last he[a]rd from James he was in the same please [place] at Sandy Hook    Mr and Mrs Farrell and the Children are all well and send there loved in the kindest maner to you and Kate wants you home to give her her gin     Mrs Finnen Anne and Hugh sends there best respects to you and likewise others that I have not time to mention wishes to be remembered to you     As I hope you will excuse this letter it was wrote in A hurry and I hope you will Answere it the first opperthunity you get so I have nomore to say at present I remain your affectionate Mother until death Bridget Burns

125 Greenwich Avenue

Dear Henry write as soon as you can for I will be very uneasy until I hear from you again

Johnny MGinn is in Co. B 59 and I want you to find him for I know he will be glad to see you

The very day that Bridget Burns dictated this letter to her son in New York, his regiment was going into action at Petersburg, Virginia. A few weeks afterwards Bridget and Catharine Farrell would once again sit down together, looking at the very letter they had sent that 22nd June. On a blank section of paper at the back of the returned letter the following was written:

HdQrs 59th N.Y. Vet Vols

Near Petersburg

July 15 1864

Mrs. Burns,

Henry Burns of Co D was mortally wounded on June 22, 1864 and died of his wound at Campbell U.S.A. Hosptl Washgtn D.C. on July 6, 1864.

I am Madam,

Very Respectfully

Horace P. Rugg

Lt. Col. 59th N.Y.V. Vols

A Minié ball had struck the upper third of his left femur on 22nd June. He arrived in the hospital in Washington on 3rd July, but it was too late- his fate was sealed. Henry would never read the letter his mother had sent him. Bridget Burns became just another of thousands of Irish mothers- those whose wish to see their child one more time would go unfulfilled as a consequence of the American Civil War.

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References

Henry Burns Widow’s Pension File

New York Adjutant-General Roster of the 59th New York Infantry

On 4th August 1865, an Irish emigrant woman from Cork City gave birth to a baby girl in New York. The child -Mary- had been dealt a tough start to life. Her mother was a pauper, and Mary had entered the world in Richmond County Poor House. Mary’s brother and sister were also paupers, and her mother was described as ‘intemperate’- there were no details regarding her father. Circumstances allowed Mary to be discharged from the Poor House on 12th May 1868, but by 3rd November 1871 she was back in her birthplace. At least she was being given some education, as by 1875 she was able to read. Poor House staff noted that ‘she will soon have to go to service’ and remarked that ‘this child bids fair to be a good servant she is being taught all the requirements of the institution.’

Underground lodgings for the poor of New York around 1869. Many people who ultimately ended up in Poor Houses would have been familiar with such scenes (Library of Congress)

This vignette of Mary Brown’s life is drawn from the records of residents in New York Poor Houses and Alms Houses. From 1875 State law required that institutions record details of individuals in their care on a standardised form to be sent to the State Board of Charities. The form recorded a number of details about the individual, their parents, their origins and also of the cause of their dependence. It also offered an opinion on the prospect of them escaping dependence in the future. A number of the 1875 records deal with individuals first admitted in earlier decades- making it possible to explore some from the 1860s. The fifty people I decided to look at were all born in Ireland, and all had been admitted to New York Poor Houses and Alms Houses between 1861 and 1865. In selecting them, I chose those whose place of origin had been determined to at least county level.

What is immediately apparent among the group is the dominance of older people. There were often catastrophic consequences for individuals who in later life found they could no longer make a living. The concept of ‘old’ is very different to ours- two of those in this sample who were admitted partially as a result of ‘old age’ were only in their 40s. Also notable is how social status did not necessarily protect you from the Poor House if you found yourself alone- for example Bridget Rowley’s father had been a minister, Rose McHegan’s father a distiller and Esther Turner’s father a gentleman (and Esther herself a teacher), yet all ended up in institutions. Similarly it is interesting how a number of those supposedly at the lowest strata of society, such as laborers, had managed to educate themselves and become literate. Aside from old age, a number of illnesses recur among the sample. Chief among them are blindness and rheumatism, which put an end to the working capacity of a number of the group. Other common causes which led to admission were things such ‘insanity’, paralysis and alcohol dependence.

The records show just how precarious life could be for immigrants in 19th century New York. There are a number of cases where both a husband and wife were in the Poor House; perhaps most poignant are the references to people who had siblings or children who were alive and remained self-supporting, but who clearly could not offer charity to their own family members. This is something I have come across repeatedly in dependent parent pension files- children who had married and started families of their own were simply unable to spare money to assist their parents, so precarious was their own financial position.

In the stories below are some especially heartrending examples of hardship. We meet people like Mary Hill, another woman who on the face of it should not have found herself in a Poor House- her father had been a physician. Yet we learn from her record that her father had placed her in the Poor House soon after they arrived in the United States from Co. Meath. Ann Bean from Cork had been just a girl when she went into the Poor House, also shortly after her arrival from Ireland. A single woman who appears to have spent much of her life in institutions, she was recorded in 1863 as suffering from ‘puerperal insanity’ which can develop after childbirth. You will find brief descriptions of the circumstances of each of the 50 people I looked at below, based on their Poor House records. Each individual is listed chronologically according to the date of their original admission. If you are interested in learning more about Poor Houses and Alms Houses in the United States and their history you can read an essay by Dr. David Wagner on the topic here. For more on New York Poor Houses by county see here.

Monroe County Poor House in Rochester, New York (New York Public Library Record ID 726064)

James O’Rourke, Co. Limerick. Admitted to Albany City Alms House, 7th June 1861.

James was recorded as a 40 year-old widower when he was admitted. He had spent his working life as a tailor, and in 1861 had one surviving child. His father in Limerick had been a farmer; James had received some education as he was able to read and write. The cause of his dependence was recorded as insanity, from which it was felt he would not recover. Despite this it was still felt that he may be able to do some farm work in the future. It was said that his ‘insanity is supposed to have been cause in this case by excessive drinking. Is very violent at times exacting much of the attendants time to keep him quiet. Is not unclean in person or habits. It cannot be learned that any other member of the family were insane.’

Ellen Griffin, Co. Waterford. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, June 1861.

Ellen was recorded as a 60-year-old widow. Her father and mother, both from Waterford, had been a farmer and housekeeper respectively. Ellen also listed her profession as housekeeper, and she had two living children. Her cause of dependence was rheumatism and destitution. Unable to perform any laborer, her entry records that she would later spend four months in Kings County Hospital. It was felt at the time that she would probably always remain dependent.

Jane Redding, Cork city, Co. Cork. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 27th September 1861.

Jane was a 30-year-old single woman when admitted. Her father had been a steward. Jane had some education growing up in New York, as she was able to read and write. She had spent her own working life as a domestic, but was now laid low as a result of rheumatism. Despite this, she was still able to carry out house work, but was nonetheless categorised as permanently dependent.

Elizabeth White, Dublin city, Co. Dublin. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 8th January 1862.

Elizabeth was a 50-year-old widow. Her father had been a merchant, a fact which undoubtedly helped her to gain an education, as Elizabeth could both read and write. Elizabeth worked as a domestic, but like Jane Redding was now afflicted with rheumatism. The main labor she could now pursue was sewing. Elizabeth was classed as being permanently dependent.

Bridget Rowley, Roscommon town, Co. Roscommon. Admitted to Columbia County Poor House, 4th February 1862.

Bridget was a 52-year-old married woman when admitted. Her father had been a minister, suggesting the family had some means. Her education was described as ‘common.’ Bridget was a housewife who in 1862 had one surviving child. She was classed as being dependent because of her ‘intemperate habits’ of which there was ‘but little chance for any change.’

Mary Foley, Co. Sligo. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 1st May 1862.

Mary was a 14-year-old girl when admitted. She had no education; her parents who were also both from Sligo worked as a farmer and housekeeper. By 1862 she was sick and destitute, but remained able to perform housework. It was felt she had a very good chance of recovering from dependence. It seems she was not with her parents at this time, as it was noted that ‘This womans relatives are all in Ireland. She is entirely without education, but can now perform any kind of domestic work.’

Ann Sullivan, Longford town, Co. Longford. Admitted to New York city Alms House, 27th August 1862.

Ann was a 49-year-old single woman. Her father had been a laborer in Ireland, and she worked as a domestic. Ann was illiterate, and had become dependent as a result of destitution. Capable of general house work, she was classified as permanently dependent.

Cornelius McCarthy, Co. Tipperary. Admitted to Monroe County Poor House, 1st October 1862.

Cornelius was a 63-year-old married man when he was admitted. Cornelius had a common school education, and worked as a carpenter. His father had been a farmer. The reason for his admittance was old age and destitution- it was reported that he had been an inmate of Poor Houses for a total of eight years. In the remarks it was noted that ‘C. McCarthy is husband of No. 26 [his wife]- both drunkards‘.

John Haley, Co. Galway. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 3rd October 1862.

John was a 54-year-old married man when he was admitted. In Ireland his father had worked as a farmer. John himself was as a laborer, but could no longer make a living as he was now blind. He was recorded as permanently dependent.

James McCormick, Edgeworthstown, Co. Longford. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 8th October 1862.

James was a 39-year-old single man when he was admitted. His father had been a farmer, and James had received some education as he was able to read and write. James himself was an ostler, or stableman and had become a naturalized citizen. He was admitted as he was partially blind, and it was felt he would remain permanently dependent.

Anne McMullan, Co. Down. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, December 1862.

Anne was an 80-year-old widow when she was admitted. Her father in Co. Down had been a farmer. Anne was recorded as having no occupation and no education. The cause of her dependence was given as old age and destitution, from which she was given no prospect of recovery.

Peter Finnerty, Ballymore, Co. Westmeath. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 1862.

Peter was an 83-year-old widower when he was admitted- the oldest man in the sample. In the time since he had not become a naturalized citizen. He worked as laborer, and was unable to read or write. He had three children who were still living and was admitted as a result of old age and destitution. It was felt he would likely remain dependent. It was remarked that ‘This man’s children being in poor circumstance are unable to provide for him.‘

Margaret McNeely, Co. Antrim. Admitted to Sullivan County Poor House, 1862.

Margaret was a single-woman of unknown age when she was admitted. Her father had been a farmer and Margaret could read but was unable to write- she had engaged in housework as her livelihood. Her age appears not to have been recorded because Margaret was unable to tell them it. Her dependency was apparently a result of insanity, and it was recorded that she would always remain dependent. It was remarked that ‘This woman has been in the Poor House the greater part of her life time, and has to be kept confined as she is very violent.’

Bridget Nolan, Co. Westmeath. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 1862.

Bridget was a 5o-year-old widow when she was admitted. Her father had been a farmhand, and Bridget was a housekeeper. She was illiterate. The cause of her dependence, from which she was given no prospect of recovery, was paralysis.

Mary Traynor, Newry, Co. Down. Admitted to Sullivan County Poor House, 1862.

Mary was a 38-year-old married woman when she was admitted. Able to read, Mary could not write. Her occupation was recorded as housework- she had one child living from her marriage. Her dependence was recorded as being a result of insanity. She had spent two years in the Utica Asylum- although she was able to do house work every day her prospect of escaping dependency was classified as improbable. She was described as ‘a very mild and quiet and clean in her person and habits.’

Catherine Grievens, Ballymore, Co. Westmeath. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 7th January 1863.

Catherine was a 44-year-old married woman when she was admitted. In Ireland, her father had been a Westmeath farmer, while her mother, who kept house, was originally from Longford. Her cause of dependence was ‘old age and destitution.’ Catherine was able for light domestic work, but it was felt she would probably remain dependent. In the remarks it was noted that ‘This woman is the wife of No 45 [indicating her husband was also in the Alms House]. He is performing light duties in Hospital department such as his condition will permit, as is her case, she doing domestic work at Almshouse.’

The New York Alms House Buildings on Blackwell’s Island (New York Public Library Record ID 706081)

Bartley Haley, Co. Sligo. Admitted to Monroe County Alms House, 13th March 1863.

Bartley was a 50-year-old single man when he was admitted. He had arrived in St. John’s, Canada from Ireland before moving on to New York. He had worked as a laborer, and although he was able to read he couldn’t write. His father had also worked as a laborer. He was admitted as a result of consumption, for which he had also been a patient in St. Mary’s Hospital. He was given no prospect of recovery from his dependence.

James O’Harra, Co. Limerick. Admitted to Monroe County Poor House, 14th June 1863.

James was a 40-year-old married man when he was admitted. He was a laborer, as his father had been before him. He could read but not write and had never become a naturalized citizen. The cause of his dependence was recorded as a ‘rupture.’ He was thought able for light farm work, but the potential for his recovery was deemed improbable. It was noted that ‘J. O. Harra is a chronic pauper. He is husband to No. 34′ [suggesting his wife was also in the Poor House].

Rose McHegan, Galway, Co. Galway. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 27th August 1863.

Rose was a 59-year-old widow when she was admitted. Her father had been a whiskey distiller, suggesting he may have had some means, but despite this Rose was unable to either read or write. She had worked as a domestic during her lifetime. She was admitted as a result of old age and destitution, and it was felt she would remain permanently dependent.

Ann Bean, Co. Cork. Admitted to Monroe County Poor House, 1st October 1863.

Ann was 23-years-old and single. She was not a naturalized U.S. citizen, and could neither read nor write. She was single and worked as a domestic, but was also recorded as having one living child. She was employed in the Monroe County Alms House and by 1875 had been an inmate of Poor Houses for 12 years. She was said to have no prospect of recovery from her cause of dependence. It was noted that she first entered the Poor House system shortly after her arrival in the United States, and that she suffered from ‘Puerperal Insanity’- a mental illness that follows childbirth. The catalogue of hardships she had clearly faced in her young life since leaving Ireland are difficult to comprehend.

Mary McCarthy, Co. Offaly. Admitted to Monroe County Poor House, 1st October 1863.

Mary was a 49-year-old married woman when she was admitted. She had landed in Quebec before making her way to New York. Her father had been a farmer- Mary worked as a housekeeper. Her education was described as ‘academic’. Admitted as a result of old age and destitution, Mary had already been an inmate of Poor Houses for several years. She was given no prospect of recovery. It was recorded in the notes that ‘M. McCarthy is wife of no. 25 [her husband was also an inmate].’

James Mahon, Co. Wicklow. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 9th October 1863.

James was a 44-year-old married man when he was admitted and was now a naturalized citizen. His father had been a laborer, but James seems to have been at least somewhat upwardly mobile, as he was a blacksmith. The cause of his dependence was blindness- form which it was felt he had no prospect of recovery.

Daniel Sullivan, Co. Cork. Admitted to Monroe County Poor House, 21st November 1863.

Daniel was a 55-year-old single man when he was admitted. He had arrived in Quebec before moving to New York five years later. Again, despite his time in the U.S., Daniel had never become a naturalized citizen. He worked as a laborer, as his father had before him. He was not illiterate- although unable to write Daniel was able to read. The reason for his dependence was recorded as old age and destitution. He was still able for farm work, but it was thought he would remain dependent. It was noted that he ‘has no blood relatives in this Country.’

Patrick Carr, Co. Galway. Admitted to Monroe County Poor House, 26th December 1863.

Patrick was a 67-year-old widower when he was admitted. He was naturalized U.S. citizen who could read but couldn’t write. He worked as a laborer -as his father- and had one child living. The reason for his dependence was as a result of a crippled knee; he was given no prospect of recovering from his dependence in the future.

Mary Hill, Kinnegad, Co. Meath. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 1863.

Mary was a 53-year-old single woman when she was admitted. Her father had been a physician so was presumably a man of at least some means. Despite this Mary only appears to have had a partial education; she was able to read, but not write. Mary was a housekeeper, but was admitted as a result of old age, destitution and impairment of the mind. She remained capable of light domestic work, but it was felt she would remain dependent. In the remarks it was recorded that ‘This woman states when she came to this Country she was placed in a poor house by her father, since deceased. Can learn nothing as to ancestors.‘

James White, Co. Galway. Admitted to Ontario County Poor House, 1863.

James was a 75-year-old single man when he was admitted. He had emigrated via Quebec before traveling on to New York. He was a laborer, as his father had been before him. Despite his unskilled position he was able to read and write. James had already spent a year in New York’s Poor Houses before this date. It was felt that his state of dependence was ‘fixed.’

Catherine Quinn, Dublin, Co. Dublin. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 20th January 1864.

Catherine was a 50-year-old widow when she was admitted. She was able to read and write and had worked as a tailoress- her father before her had been a carpenter. The cause of her dependance was Eryspielas (also known as St. Anthony’s Fire, an acute infection) and debility. She was able to work at sewing.

James Foy, Co. Cavan. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 16th March 1864.

James was a 42-year-old married man when he was admitted. A laborer, he had become a naturalized citizen and was able to read and write. He was described as being of intemperate habits, and although he was able to help around the ward it was felt that he would remain permanently dependent.

Esther Turner, Trim, Co. Meath. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 27th April 1864.

Esther was a 71-year-old married woman when she was admitted. Both her parents were English- her father, whose occupation was recorded as a ‘gentleman’, was from Salisbury and her mother was from Rockport. Esther could read and write and had worked as a teacher. Everything about her background suggested she should have avoided the Alms House, but she found herself there nonetheless. The cause of her dependence was blindness. It was felt she had no chance of recovery.

Mary Schackion,Co. Kerry. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 18th May 1864.

Mary was a 28-year-old single woman when she was admitted. Her mother had been from Kerry, while her father was a Co. Clare carpenter. Mary was unable to read or write and had worked as a domestic. The cause of her dependence was rheumatism, from which it was felt she was unlikely to recover.

Sarah Hanlan, Killeshandra, Co. Cavan. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 5th August 1864.

Sarah was a 40-year-old married woman when she was admitted. Her father had been a laborer- Sarah, who was illiterate, worked as a domestic. The cause of her dependence was listed as destitution and rheumatism. She was classified as permanently dependent and may have been abandoned by her spouse- it was noted: ‘husbands residence unknown.’

Hugh Kelly, Co. Down. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 19th November 1864.

Hugh was a 63-year-old single man when he was admitted. Like his father, Hugh was a laborer, but he was also able to read and write.The cause of his dependence was rheumatism and destitution- it was felt he would remain permanently dependent.

Inmates of the Poor House on Randall’s Island, East River, New York, forming in line for dinner, 1875 (New York Public Library Record ID 692408)

Michael Cox, Crosshill, Co. Roscommon. Admitted to Orleans County Poor House, 20th December 1864.

Michael was a 56-year-old widower when he was admitted. Described as having a ‘good education’, Michael’s father had been a Tyrone farmer, his mother was from Leitrim. Michael had made his living in America as a farmer and had become a naturalized citizen. The cause of his dependence was given as insanity and it was recorded that he was unable to labor. He was classified as likely to remain dependent.

Mary Quinn, Cavan town, Co. Cavan. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 1864.

Mary was a 58-year-old single woman when she was admitted. She was a housekeeper- her father had been a farmer. Mary was able to read, but was now recorded as ‘very nearly blind’. She had no prospect of recovery and was unable to perform any labor. It was remarked that ‘This woman has been growing blind for the past twenty seven years so much so that she is very nearly totally so now.’

Mary A. Kirby, Belfast, Co. Antrim. Admitted to Columbia County Poor House, 15th February 1865.

Mary was a 55-year-old widow when she was admitted. Her father had worked as a laborer. Mary’s education was described as ‘limited’, and she had spent most of her life engaged in housework. She had two surviving children. Admitted partly as a result of sickness, she was given no prospect of escaping dependency.

Ellen Norton, Kildare, Co. Kildare. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 17th February 1865.

Ellen’s parents had both been from Co. Mayo. Her father had worked as a laborer, and Ellen was a domestic. She was unable to read, and no head money had been paid for her. The reasons for her admittance were destitution and partial paralysis. Although she remained able to sew, she was regarded as being permanently dependent.

Lawrence Smith, Co. Sligo. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 6th March 1865.

Lawrence was a 40-year-old single man when he was admitted. He had not as yet become a naturalized U.S. citizen. In Ireland his father had been a laborer, as was Lawrence. Lawrence was also able to read. The cause of his dependence was the fact that he was ‘diseased’ and had a stiff knee, making him unable to work. He was classified as permanently disabled.

Daniel Hayden, Co. Tipperary. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 21st April 1865.

Daniel was a 46-year-old married man when he was admitted. The reason for his admittance was recorded as insanity and destitution. He was described as capable of light work, but was permanently dependent. It was recorded that Daniel was ‘quite incapable of giving any reliable history of himself.’ He also spent time in a lunatic asylum.

Edith Delahunty, Co. Dublin. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, April 1865.

Edith was a 61-year-old widow when admitted. Her father had been a storekeeper, and she had engaged in housework. Edith was able to read and write and had one child living. Despite her surviving child it was noted that she was homeless and destitute, and was able to perform only light labor. It was felt that she would probably remain dependent.

Margaret Berry, Co. Sligo. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 16th May 1865.

Margaret was 83-years old and widowed when she was admitted- the oldest woman in the sample. It was unknown how long she had been in the United States as Margaret was unable to tell anybody. The reason for her cause of dependence was described as ‘insanity’ and she was deemed to be unable to perform any labor. It was determined that she would remain dependent, and recorded that staff were unable to learn anything of her past history.

Catherine Reynolds, Sligo town, Co. Sligo. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 29th July 1865.

Catherine was a 61-year-old widow when she was admitted. Her father, a laborer, had been from Mayo, her mother  from Sligo. Catherine herself had worked as a domestic, but was unable to read or write. The reason for admittance was described as old age and destitution. She was classed as permanently dependent.

Ellen Clary, Ballinamona, Co. Tipperary. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 12th August 1865.

Ellen was a 61-year-old single women when she was admitted. Her father in Tipperary had been a farmer. Ellen was illiterate, and had spent her working life as a servant- blindness and destitution had forced her into the Poor House. She was listed as permanently dependent.

John Shay, Co. Cork. Admitted to Monroe County Poor House, 26th August 1865.

John was a 48-year-old single man when he was admitted. John worked as a laborer, as had his father before him. He was able to read, but unable to write. He was admitted as a result of Bright’s disease of the kidneys, which meant he was unable to work. John was given no prospect of recovery.

Bridget Hughes, Mohill, Co. Leitrim. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 1st September 1865.

Bridget was a 55-year-old widow when she was admitted. Her father in Ireland had been a farmer and Bridget had been a housekeeper. She was now blind and had no home. She was described as ‘permanently dependent.’

Patrick Haud, Carrickmacross, Co. Monaghan. Admitted to New York City Alms House, 11th September 1865.

Patrick was a 65-year-old widower when he was admitted. He had become a naturalized citizen. In Carrickmacross his father had been a wheelwright. Patrick had been a farmer but was admitted due to old age, deafness and general disability. He was described as permanently dependent.

Catherine Brown, Aghada?, Co. Cork. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 1865.

Catherine was 50-years-old and widowed when admitted. She had been in New York for 8 years. Her father was recorded as being a farmer from Co. Limerick. She was unable to read or write and was a housekeeper by profession. She had one child. Her cause of dependence was described as resulting from old age and destitution. It was determined that she would remain a dependent.

Timothy Donovan, Co. Cork. Admitted to Ontario County Poor House, 1865.

Timothy was a 57-year-old widower when he was admitted. He had landed in Quebec before making his way to New York 12 years later. He had worked as a laborer but had a problem with drunkenness. The reason for his dependence was described as intemperance. He remained capable of doing light work around the house, but it was felt he had ‘no hope’ of recovering from his dependence.

John Dunn, Co. Dublin. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 1865.

John was a single 40-year-old when he was admitted. Now naturalized, he outlined that his father had been a shoemaker from Co. Dublin and his mother was from Co. Offaly. He could read and write and worked as a laborer. However he was now completely unable to support himself, due to ‘paralysis and impairment of mind.’ He had previously been in Kings County Hospital, and it was felt he would most likely remain a dependent. It was remarked that ‘This man states he has seen none of his relatives for three years. His mind is very much impaired, beside being paralysed: produced he says from inebriation.’

Bridget McGee, Banbridge, Co. Down. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 1865.

Bridget was a 55-year-old widow when she was admitted. Her father had been a farmer in Banbridge- Bridget was herself a housekeeper. She was able to read and write and had three children living. The cause of her dependence was old age and destitution- she was completely unable for any work and was given no chance of recovery. It was noted that ‘This woman had three children alive when she came to the country but has received no intelligence from them for the past five years.’

Mary O’Connor, Co. Galway. Admitted to Kings County Alms House, 1865.

Mary was a 65-year-old widow when she was admitted. She could read but could not write. Her father had been a stone mason; Mary herself had no listed occupation. She had one living child. The cause of her dependence was old age and destitution- it was thought should would most likely remain dependent.

References

New York. State Bord of Charities. Census of Inmates in Almshouses and Poorhouses, 1835-1921. series A1978. Microfilm 225 rolls. New York State Archives, Albany, New York. Accessed via ancestry.com

NYPL Digital Gallery Record ID 726064

NYPL Digital Gallery Record ID 692408

NYPL Digital Gallery Record ID 706081

In November 1864 a number of Union Ironclads were to be found on the James River in Virginia, supporting Federal ground operations there. A large number of the men on board the vessels of the James River Flotilla were Irish; indeed they made up an estimated 20% of all Union sailors. How did they and their comrades celebrate Thanksgiving 150 years ago?

Officers on the deck of the U.S.S. Onondaga with their dogs. The identity of the Irish correspondent, ‘Garryowen’, has not been established (National Archives).

We are fortunate that one of them has left us an account. He was a sailor on the U.S.S. Onondaga, one of the Union monitors on the James. Corresponding under the pen-name ‘Garryowen’, he wrote frequently to the New York Irish-American newspaper, who regularly published his letters. His account tells how the ‘sturdy sons of Neptune’ began their day by dispatching some unfortunate Turkeys, before their thoughts turned to loved ones at home. Thanksgiving ended with the sailors engaged in an altogether more deadly contest, as they took fire from a Confederate shore battery. ‘Garryowen’ takes up the story:

A view of the U.S.S. Onondaga on the James River during the American Civil War (Library of Congress).

U.S. Iron-Clad “Onondaga”, Dutch Gap, James River, VA., Nov. 28, 1864.

…We had our Thanksgiving Festival, and indeed the patriotic parties who were instrumental in getting it up are deserving of more than an ordinary share of praise for the creditable manner in which the affair was managed, as we received an abundance of Turkeys, &c., which made the berth deck resemble a poultry market on a small scale. After all being served the work of dissecting commenced; the cooks “pulled off their coats and rolled up their sleeves,” transferred the gobblers to the upper deck, and went through the process of immersion in the James with the said gobblers. On Thanksgiving morning the “galley” was the centre of attraction- roasting, baking, boiling, stewing, and all the pharaphernlia of the culinary department brought into requisition and under full headway. At the usual time, eight bells announced dinner, when there was a simultaneous attack on the enemy. Talk about storming the enemy’s works, and taking them by assault, but the attack on the defenceless gobblers throws Sherman’s flanking movements in the shade; for, in less time than it takes to tell it, they had all disappeared before the terrible onslaught of the sturdy sons of Neptune; and thus was fought the great battle of Thanksgiving on the James.

‘Having discovered a new iron-clad…they determined to give her a welcome’. The U.S.S. Mahopac on operations on the James River (Library of Congress).

Having this temporarily enjoyed ourselves, had we no thoughts of those dear, fond and loving ones at home- did the question occur to us, what kind of a Thanksgiving had our wives and little ones? Oh, yes! It could not be otherwise, though we felt somewhat consoled and assured that the same bountiful and patriotic hands that provided for us, would not see them want for their Thanksgiving festival, as no luxuries, no comforts, no encouragement is so acceptable to the soldiers or sailors as the assurance that our families are not neglected. Let us only hear that they are looked after and cared for, and no dangers, no risks or privations will be too much for us to endure or encounter; with a willing cheerfulness will we strike the foes, and with our strong right arm to the rescue, our once happy, united and prosperous country will again take her place among the nations of the world, a terror to traitors at home and enemies abroad.

‘…Mortar shells from Howlett’s Battery…’. The Confederate Battery at Howlett House which fired on the U.S.S. Onondaga and other Federal vessels on Thanksgiving Day, 1864 (Library of Congress).

In the evening, while we were congratulating ourselves on the happy events of the day, we received a salute from our pugnacious friends- the “Rebs.” Having discovered a new iron-clad- the “Mahopac”- they determined to give her a welcome in the shape of mortar shells from “Howlett’s Battery,” in which exercise they indulged to a considerable extent. Their shots were aimed mighty accurate- one of the shells having hit the “Mud Digger,” at the canal, in the ribs and sent her to the bottom. At this juncture we were called to quarters, and commenced firing a few of our 15-inchers, scattering terror and dismay among them, which soon caused them to cease their vomiting. For about two hours a brisk cannonading was kept up by both parties, which resulted in immense quantities of metal being wasted, and “nobody hit.” About dusk it was “all quiet on the James” again and remains so yet.

GARRYOWEN.

‘…Having hit the “Mud Digger,” at the canal, in the ribs and sent her to the bottom.’ General Butler’s forces were engaged in an ultimately unsuccessful project which involved digging a canal to try and bypass some Confederate batteries on the James. This photo is the dredge boat that ‘Garryowen’ witnessed sinking on Thanksgiving Day, 1864 (Library of Congress).

References

New York Irish-American Weekly 17th December 1864. Our Iron-Clads in the James River.

Few historic documents intrude on the intimate emotional experiences of past people quite like the letters that brought them news of a loved ones death. To read them is to at once imagine that first occasion when they were read. Though death may have occurred days, weeks or even months before, it was the act of reading these letters that turned wives into widows, that created bereaved parents and bereaved children. That in itself makes them incredibly powerful documents, even after the passage of 150 years. How did these families react as they read each word, or (for those who were illiterate) as each word was read to them? Many of the letters below were likely read again and again, as the bereaved sought comprehension. Others may have been quickly put away, as the bereaved sought to forget.

I am currently engaged in a long-term project looking at the letters of Irish and Irish-American soldiers who served in New York units during the American Civil War. One of the ancillary pieces of information that I am gathering along the way are those letters that informed families of their deaths. I now have many, and I intend to share them on the site in the months ahead. Below are nine very different examples, together with some background information on each Irish soldier and his family. Each was submitted to provide evidence in support of a pension claim. While reading these extraordinary documents, it is also worth remembering the heavy burden of responsibility often borne by the letter writer; a burden that some handled with more compassion and care than others.

A woman in mourning clothes holding an image of a soldier (Library of Congress)

Private Patrick O’Donnell, Company B, 2nd New York Cavalry

Irish-born couple Patrick O’Donnell and Catharine Cassarly married on 19th February 1852 in St. Vincent De Paul’s Church, Scranton, Pennsylvania. They had three children; Lawrence, born on 28th November 1852, Margaret born on the 6th September 1857 and Andrew, born on 1st January 1860. 29-year-old Patrick died in Sheridan Field Hospital in Winchester, Virginia on 22nd October 1864, from a wound to the right shoulder received in action on the 8th of that month. Catharine was 35-years-old when she applied for her widow’s pension.

Camp 2d NY Cav

Nov. 8^th 1864

Mrs. O’Donell

I take the sad task of informing you of the Death of your husband one of my Co. and in so doing I will relate the manner of his death On the 8^th of October while supporting our Rear Guard the Enemy Charged us and your husband with the rest of our Co Charged them in turn in that Charge your husband received a Bullet in his right Sholder but was taken off the field and put into a house till the nex day when he was taken to the Hospital. Since then we have received notice of his death and I but speak the feelings of his whole Company when I say they deeply feel the loss of so brave and Kind a Soldier ever redy to lend a helping hand to those who were in need prompt in all his dutyes he was esteemed by his officers and Each and Everyone tenders you their heartfull Sympathy in this your bereavement. Should you wish us to assist you in receiving his pay we will do all in our power for you with the Companye’s best wishes for you and yours. I will close by saying may he who [illegible] over all give you strength to bear the loss of one whom we had all learned to love

Sergt. E.F. Doolittle

Co. B 2d NY Cav

3d Div Cav Corps

Washington D.C.

Private Michael A. Fagan, Company C, 4th New York Cavalry

Bridget Campbell married James Fagan in December 1823 in Whitehall, Co. Westmeath. One of their children, Michael, was born around 1843. James himself passed away in April 1847. Their 20-year-old son Private Michael Fagan was killed in action on the 26th January 1863 at Grove Church, Virginia while on a scouting mission. His now 57-year-old mother Bridget, living in New York, applied for a pension based on his service.

Head Quarters 11^th Army Corps

Stafford C.H.se Feby 1^st 1863

Mrs Bridget Fagan

Madam

In communicating to you the death of your son Pte Michael Fagan of the 4^th N.Y. Cavalry I willingly hear testimony to his general excellent conduct and soldierlike bearing which I am sure will in some measure alleviate the pain you must naturally suffer on the loss of a son. He died as a soldier should in the performance of his duty. Liked by all his comrades and esteemed by his officers as a fearless and brave soldier, ever ready at a moments notice, in most dangerous places he was ever found foremost, and in his loss the Country looses a brave soldier and the cause for which we all fight an able defender.

I am, Madam,

Your obedient Servant

Ferrier Nazer

Lt. Col. 4^th N.Y. Cavalry

Private Patrick McGuire, Company A, 6th New York Cavalry

Bridget McGreedy married Patrick McGuire in ‘Killurcan’, Co. Roscommon in 1831. Their son, 21-year-old Private Patrick McGuire, died in Judiciary Square Hospital, Washington D.C. on 19th October 1863 from wounds he had received at the Battle of Bristoe Station, Virginia five days earlier. His 60-year-old mother Bridget was living in Newark, New Jersey when she applied for a pension. The first news she received of her son’s death was an unexpected reply to a letter the family had sent to Patrick.

Judiciary Sq. Hospital

Washington D.C. October 23/63

Sir

I have taken a liberty with your letter directed to Patrick McGuire this morning that is sometimes nesisary in order that I may give information to the friends of those who they are directed to having no other way of delivering any information of the whereabouts of the soldiers friends

I am sorry to inform you that the beloved Son & Brother is no more, he died of Gun Shot wound on the 19^th instant he bore his sufferings with great patients but they proved more than he could bear up under and like many others of our comrads he had to yield- from a Soldier.

J. L. Allen

Ward Master

of Judiciary Sq.re Hospital

A second letter from the hospital chaplain sent a few days later provided further details of Patrick’s fate:

Marcus L Ward E  Judiciary Square Hospital

Newark N.J. 28 Oct 1863

Dear Sir

Patrick McGuire was in the hospital about a week he had every care and attention from Surgeon, Nurses & attendants by day and by night. I saw him every day and only a few hours before his death. There is a priest on duty at the hospital but I think he did not call during Patricks illness. He told me in answer to my question that he was a Catholic. He was wounded in the back of the neck and paralysed his limbs. His mind was calm and clear. He was without the least pain as the spine was struck I wrote a letter for him to his mother just before he died His speech was not affected.

Respectfully

John C. Smith, Chaplain

Marcus L Ward Esq

Private Barney McCabe, Company I, 10th New York Cavalry

Irish-born Barney McCabe and New York-born Rosalinda Satterlee were married on the 26th January 1859 in the Methodist Chapel at Broadalbin, New York. They had three children; William born on 20th October 1859, Charles Edwin born on 29th January 1861, and Emily Jane born on 14th May 1863. 43-year-old Barney died on 14th July 1863 at Satterlee General Hospital in Philadelphia due to what was recorded as ‘concussion’, having seemingly been set upon in an altercation. Rosalinda was living in Mayfield, New York when she applied for her pension.

[To Mrs Rosalinda McCabe, Mayfield, Fulton Co., NY]

Satterlee U.S. Army Genl Hospital

West Philadelphia July 27^th 1863

Dear Madam

I now take my pen in hand to write a few liens to you and I hope that this will find you and your Family in good health but it is with a sad and heavey hart that I have to inform you that your husband has been ded two weeks it is just two weeks to day that he got a pass to go down town and send you sum money and he was brough back a little after eleven O clock at night in a ambulance verey badly hurt and he died next morning he was not sencebell after he was hurt I cannot say how he got hurt nor I do not know where the Docter has sent you aney word about it but I know this that they buried him without a inquest that is without noteyfieng the Coroner or aneything now the best thing for you to do is for some Friend to come on here and atend to the case for I am satisfide that there is sume thing wrong about it for I am shure that he was Murdered that is what I think from what I can find out for I made it my bisness to go and find out what I could about it now if you think that it is worth while to come or send anybody I shall be verey happey to give all the informtion I can or if you write I will do all I can for you I shall send what letters he left in my care I have a Degratoipe in my care but I will not send it untill I here from you so I must now conclude by remaining your true Friend

George H Yeoman

Private Thomas McManus, Company E, 11th New York Cavalry

Mary McManus married her husband Cornelius in Ireland in 1836. Their 19-year-old son Thomas McManus died on 2nd August 1864 at Orange Grove, Louisiana, of Chronic Diarrhea. Cornelius was unable to work himself due to disability, which made both parents reliant on their son for support. Mary was 68-years-old (Cornelius was 67) and living in Onondaga, New York when she applied for her pension. She enclosed the letter written to her husband about Thomas’s death in the pension application as it was ‘the only letter she now has relating to his death’.

Orange Grove

Agust 4^th 1864

Dear Sir

I take my pen in hand to adress these few lines to you feeling it my duty as A companion to thomas Mc Manus to inform you of his death. I have not been acquainted with him before we met in this reigment but as we have always been togeather it seems to me as if he were my brother therefore finding your adress on the receipt which he got from the express Co for the last money he sent to you I now take the oppirtunity of writing these few lines. It has been very unhealthy here lately but thomas has always been fit for duty since he has been in the reigment infact the climate here appeared to agree with him better than it did farther north but he was taken rather of a sudden infact he was almost gone before we thought about his being very sick and as our head doctor was sick and the other was at new Orleans we could not do much for him he did not suffer mutch he is buried on this plantation he was buried better than would expected all the company that is in detachment turned out mounted and attended to the buirial according to military custom he was the first one that has died out of our company although they are dieing very fast out of the reigiment at preasent we were calculating to get up a supcription in the company to send his body home but the weather is so very warm and we are in rather an inconveniant place so that it was imposible to get the body to New Orleans soon enough to embalmed. In order to draw his back pay and bounty you want to direct as follows

Cpt Joseph C Hyat Co E Scotts 900 11 NY Cavelry Depart of the Gulph New Orleans L A

please ancer this so I may know that you received information also inform his friends if you know where they are. No more at preasant for a friend

Michael Sullivan

Co E Scotts 900 11 NY Cav department of the gulph

New Orleans L A

Private Michael McGee, Company L, 11th New York Cavalry.

Catharine Prior and Michael McGee married on 1st February 1847 in Oughteragh, Co. Leitrim. They had one child, Mary-Ann, who was born in December 1849. Michael was 34-years-old when he died of sunstroke on 21st June 1864 in hospital at Hermitage Plantation, Ascension Parish, Louisiana. Catharine was 37-years-old and living at 252 Mott Street in Lower Manhattan when she applied for her pension.

Hd. Qrs Scott’s 900

Hermitage Plantation La

July 1^st 1864

Mrs Michl Mc Gee

Madam

I have to inform you by this note of your husbands Death he died on this plantation June 22d 1864 of excessive heat. On his clothes was found the sum of Ten Dollars which will be sent on as soon as his effects can be got together and everything made satisfactorily.

He has been decently buried on this plantation- as he was much liked by all the boys

I am

Yours Respectfully

M. Finitt

Capt. Comdg Co. “L”

Private William D. Harrigan, Company M, 24th New York Cavalry

21-year-old Private William Harrigan died on 12th July at Emory Hospital in Washington D.C. His right leg had been amputated following a gunshot wound he had received in action at Petersburg, Virginia on 16th June 1864. A pension application was made by his mother, Ellen, two years later. Her husband, who was epileptic, had died on 3rd June 1866. This prompted the 55-year-old Irishwoman to apply for the pension based on her son’s service, from her home in Oswego, New York. The communications they had received regarding William’s death are examples of the brevity of some of this type of correspondence.

UNITED STATES BRANCH TELEGRAPH COMPANY

BY TELEGRAPH               DATED Washington July 30 1864

TO: Carrie E Harrigan

William Harrigan died at this Hospital

N M Mantey

Surgeon in Charge

This brutally short telegram nonetheless offered some slight hope, as the name to whom the telegram was addressed was incorrect. Perhaps it had been meant for someone else? A second more detailed message was received weeks later in response to a query by the Harrigans, and explained the incorrect name used:

Emory Hospital

Wash D.C. Sept 5 1862

Q. Gable Esq.

A very heavy press of business has delayed this reply to yours of the 25^th ulto.

W.D. Harrigan Co M 24^th N.Y. Cav died at this Hospital.

The error in name doubtless occurred through the negligence of Telegraph Operator.

A letter addressed to Brig Genl L Thomas A.G. U.S.A. Wash D.C. will obtain for you all the information you may desire as to date & cause of death.

Respectfully

Yr Obt Servt

Trisby? Jhause?

Chief Clerk

Private John Connor, Company H, 7th New York Heavy Artillery

Irish-born couple John Connor and Bridget Bestan were married in St. Joseph’s Church, Troy on 20th July 1858. John’s first wife (Mary McMahon) had died and he already had a daughter, Margaret, who had been born on 19th July 1854. Another daughter Catharine was born on 21st October 1860. 37-year-old John died at the Methodist Church Hospital in Alexandria, Virginia around the 25th July 1864. His leg had been amputated following his wounding in front of Petersburg, Virginia on 16th June 1864. 40-year-old Bridget applied for her pension from her then home of Port Schuyler, West Troy, New York. It is clear that she had received all her information regarding her husband’s death from the two letters below, as when she applied for her pension she stated that her husband had died ‘some day between the 15th day of July…to the 25 day of August 1864.’

[U.S. CHRISTIAN COMMISSION, BRANCH OFFICE, COR. OF FAIRFAX & PRINCE STS. ALEXANDRIA, VA.]

ALEXANDRIA, VA., July 13^th 1864

Mrs Bridget Connors

Your Husband is in one of the Hospitals of this City, He says he has written you once Since he Came here but have not heard from you. His right leg is amputated & he is doing well; he has good care and will get on finely here; he wants you to write to him here

Direct to him in

“Methodist Church Hospital Alexandria Va.”

Most Respectfully

W.H. Coe

Delegate Christian Comm

The second letter, written on 25th August, informed Bridget of John’s fate:

[U.S. CHRISTIAN COMMISSION, BRANCH OFFICE, COR. OF FAIRFAX & PRINCE STS. ALEXANDRIA, VA.]

ALEXANDRIA, VA., Aug 25 1864

Mrs Bridget Conners

West Troy N.Y.

This is a world of trial and disappointments But there is a world of help & enjoyment. God has called your husband to the other Shore. He died some time since and I am sorry to say that we are not permitted to learn the precise date of the death of soldiers. The cemitery in which the soldiers are buried is evrything that could be desired. A good coffin lined with [illegible] accompanied to the grave by a chaplain and religious [illegible] at the grave. A board is set up at the head, painted white, and lettered with black paint so that it is easy to recognise the grave of Each Soldier. A band of iron around the top of the head board. May God sustain you in this sore bereavement your husband died in a noble cause

Your Respectfully

O.L. Thompson?

Superintendant of Christian Commission at Alexandria Va.

Private Edward Mahoney, Company C, 16th New York Heavy Artillery

Edward Mahoney and his wife Catharine had been married in the parish of ‘Ballinakilligan’, Ireland in March 1840. Their son Maurice, born around 1844, was the only one of their children to survive to adulthood. 44-year-old Edward died of Chronic Diarrhea at the hospital in Fort Monroe, Virginia on 26th September 1864. That year Catharine applied for the pension from her home in Rome, Oneida County, New York. By the time she did so she had no living children remaining- the couple’s only surviving son, 19-year-old Maurice, had died of wounds received at the Battle of the Wilderness on 5th May 1864, while serving in the 146th New York Infantry. Receipt of the letter below meant that the Irishwoman had lost all her family to the American Civil War.

U.S. CHRISTIAN COMMISSION

2d Divis. U.S. Gen. Hospital

Fort Monroe Va.

Sep 27^th 1864

Mrs. Catharine Mahoney

Rome N.Y.

Dear Madam

I regret to have to inform you of the recent death in this hospital of your husband Edward Mahoney of Co. C 16^th N.Y.H. Art.

He was brought here Sep 23d sick with Chronic Diarrhoea. He said he had been unwell for 8 months. Had been in 10^th A.C. Hospital about 2 week. A letter was written to his priest for him Sep 24^th. He often spoke of his friends but left no special message for them. It will gratify you to know that all possible attention was given him during his illness here.

He was buried in the Hampton Hospital burying ground with the usual military & religious ceremonies, and his grave is marked by a white head board with his name Co. Regt. and date of death plainly marked upon it.

He had some effects which you can obtain by applying by letter to Dr. Mc Clellan Surg. In Charge of this hospital. To obtain back pay, apply to the 2d Auditor U.S. Treasury Washington D.C.

I trust my dear Madam that this event so distressing to you and which have left such a void in your family circle will be borne with Christian resignation remembering that he dies nobly who dies in the path of duty and that the graves of a nation’s defenders are among her most priceless treasures.

Let me also hope that you may be guided to that unfailing source of consolation which through our blessed Savior is always attainable to those who are bereaved & afflicted.

I am Madam

Very Truly Yours

Chas. A. Raymond

Chaplain 2d Divis. U.S. Gen. Hsp.

Fort Monroe Va.

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References

Patrick O’Donnell Widow’s Pension File WC81538

Patrick McGuire Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC15809

Barney McCabe Widow’s Pension File WC117939

Thomas McManus Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC101300

Michael McGee Widow’s Pension File WC76618

William D. Harrigan Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC117060

John Connor Widow’s Pension File WC41520

Edward Mahoney Widow’s Pension File WC43222

In the third instalment of letters from James Fleming of Antrim (Find Part 1 here and Part 2 here), we join the young Irish officer of the 9th New York “Hawkins’ Zouaves” at Hatteras Inlet, North Carolina. These three letters span November 1861 to January 1862. In the first of them James talks of his many countrymen in the 9th- ‘Americans at heart’- and tells his mother how the landscape reminds him of the coast of Larne. The second deals with his prospects of dying in the conflict, although James assures his mother that ‘the ball is not made yet to take my life’. The last of the series recounts the warmth of the weather even in winter, as James clearly grows weary of life at Hatteras and longs to move on. 

A Hatteras Landscape (Charles Johnson, The Long Roll)

Camp Wool Hatteras Inlet

North Carolina

Novb 18^th 1861

Lieut Jas H Flemming

9^th Regt of N Y Zouaves

Fort Monroe

Virginia

My Dear Father Mother

I received your last letter of Sept which gave me great pleasure to receive also to hear that you are all well as thank God this leaves me at present in good health as I have stood this climate very well as its very trying on the health as the most of our officers are sick and a great many of our men but we have got orders to keep ourselves in readiness to start by the next beat but where our destination will be is yet a secret but will be able to let you know before I send this letter. I believe that we will rejoin our Brigade again at New Port News under General Phelps as our boys calls him Dady our Regiment is comprised of young men from 17 years to 25 I may say not one older all fine young fellows. When we left New Port News the General P. Said that he would let them have the 7^th & 2^nd & through them in the 1^st if they would only let him keep his boys that is what he calls us but they thought there was work to do and so the 9^th had to go, you mention that you do not see our regiment mentioned in any of the papers. I will send you a paper by the next boat if it mentions us as we are called the Crack Regiment of the Volunteers which I believe we are but I am only afraid that we will not have a chance of showing the world what the 9^th can do. Recollect Dr Mother that they are not all Americans by birth, as I have a great many of my own countrymen only Americans at heart which we find in this struggle to be the real men. There was a great naval expedition past here for a few days ago composed of about 80 gun boats and 18,000 men they have taken one very strong place, Beaufort, and are at present bombarding Charleston if you recollect that is where the fighting commenced Fort Sumter Charleston Harbour. We are waiting patiently to hear of them being successful if they can so the half of the fighting will be over as we have only them to whip them on the Potomic which will end the fights. Dear Mother you mention in your last about them opening letters etc, such is not the case I have got all your papers letters etc which I think you sent. They open Boxes sent to the men to prevent them from getting liquor and they are opened by a man appointed out of the Regt for that purpose, but I think that they are wise particular in forwarding letters & papers more than they were before the war so you need not be afraid to send me anything in the way of papers as it gives me great pleasure to receive anything in the shape of papers from home. I sent you a paper by the last boat which I hope you got tho do not allow any letters or communications of any kind to go south nor none from the south here, but I hope that the communication will be open soon again. I said I would let you know where we are going by this letter but we have not changed our camp yet but will during next week.

Dear Mother I have nothing of any consequence to write this mail but I hope I will have something of more importance to write in my next. I got Anny’s letter and would have replyed by this mail but have not much time tell her I will write her a long letter soon and am glad to hear the family are so well. I hope she makes a kind Mammy to the young Rankins give her my warmest respects and a kiss to each of the children also to her sister and mother not forgetting old Mrs Rankin & sister also any of the old friends in Larne. I am very glad to hear that Alex & Nancy are getting along so well give them my best respects. as I sit here writing when I lift my head & look out the Pamlico Sound meets my view reminding me of the old coast at Larne but then there’s another object which meets my gaze which I would not see at Larne, that is our camp & muskets stacked along our Company that looks rather warlike, and then the sound of distant guns lets you know of something going on only wishing to join in the strife at the taking of Beaufort the other day we heard the reposts of the cannon all day long & that is about 50 miles from where we are camped. They say its a great sight to see them bombarding one of these places. The Rebels are getting a little frightened at the yankies as they call us as if our correspondents lets us know how they are getting along we will have a grand [illegible] shortly which I hope it will be about Christmas as I am always fond of shooting about that time and think New Years Day [illegible] place here for visiting and so we expect to spend our New Years Day in either Charleston Baltimore or some camp southern city.

Dear Mother I must now conclude hoping to hear from you soon again, and if its God will that anything should occur to me you will get word of it right away but I hope with the grace of God to come through this with flying colours but intend doing my duty to the last. Give my kind love to my Brothers I will write Harry in a few days. I got a letter from Malcolm & write by the next mail & was glad to hear that they were well. Kind love to Father & yourself & may God Bless you all & the sincere prayer of your son

James

Camp Wool, where James Fleming was writing from (Charles Johnson, The Long Roll)

Hatteras Inlet

North Carolina

Jany 7^th 1862

My Dear Father & Mother

I received your letter the morning of 11^th Decb which gives me great comfort to know that you are all well as thank god this leaves me at present enjoying good health our regiment is still encamped at this place and likely to be for some time as yet and so you make your mind quite easy concerning me while I remain on this island as there will never be any fighting here there is nothing of any consequence going on at present our army is advancing as I mentioned in my last which I wrote about 2 weeks ago. We may have to leave this place on a forward movement which we are longing for as the army at present is getting quite impatient and only longing to drive the enemy out of the field which we can do I think with very little loss on our side. I will write a few lines to Jas Kelly as soon as I have time as I am glad that he is to be found assisting to defend his adopted Country. I have wrote Anny by the same post and stated that I was writing to you. I have first got a letter from Mary Ann by the same mail which fetched yours. She states that they are all well she said that she had wrote to you some time shortly which I hope you have received at this time. I have received two boxes of underclothes etc from her. I always write to her for anything of that sort Dr mother you want to know what I have done with my clothes & books. My clothes I sold the most of and my books I gave away I fetched one suit of clothes out with me and you would have had a laugh at me trying to get them on me they would not look at fiting me so I had to throw them aside. I believe that Mary Ann got some of my things which she keeps to my return. Dr mother give my kind love to my Brothers when you see them tell them to always write me & I will answer when I have time. I am glad that my Father is so stout and always able to run about as I hope that the time is not far distant when I will have the pleasure of seeing you all and also Mary Ann may accompany me home but in the present disturbed state of the Country the safest plan is to help to see her righted again which I hope will be before a great time. Dr mother if its Gods will that I should fall I will do so doing my duty which I hope will be a consolation for you to think that it was not the assasins stall or the murderers ball which will reach me at a time perhaps when I am not thinking of the like as I can say that upon the field I dread not death as I think if I had any choice give me the field fighting for my Country as I think I will never be shot in the back at any rate, as this is only mere supposition on my part as I think that the ball is not made yet to take my life or yet to scar any body. For now I must conclude kind love to my uncle as I hear that he is still with you write soon from your affectionate son

Jas H Flemming

A Hawkins’ Zouave at Camp Wool, Hatteras (Charles Johnson, The Long Roll)

Hatteras Inlet

Camp Wool

Jany 29^th 1862

My Dear Father Mother

I send you a few lines of this boat as I may not have a chance of writing for 2 or 3 weeks again hoping this will find you all enjoying that great Blessing good health as thank God this leaves me at present as healthy and well as ever I was. I wrote you by the last mail which I hope you have got before this time. You can see by my address that I am still on Hatteras but I sincerely hope that we will have the pleasure of leaving here before long. Always address my letters the same as usual. You can see its now about the worst of the winter season with you and here I am about in my pants & shirt and always quite warm the only things that we have to dread here is the heavy dew that fall during the nights but thank goodness they have never had any effect on me for so far.

Dr mother give my kind love to my Brothers as I am expecting some letters from them soon. I hope that they are all enjoying good health and succeeding in all their undertakings tell Harry to write soon & let me know how Andy & he has succeeded during last summer or if they made any thing by the ferries and how Malcolm is getting along I am expecting a letter every mail from him but I suppose that he is like Alex has not time to write. I had a letter from Mary Ann they are all well. I must soon finish with kind love to all. How’s Thos & Nancy getting along. I am sorry that he is not succeeding better than what he has done but I hope that he will improve yet. How is my uncle getting along I suppose that he is still stoping with you. I wrote a long letter to Anny by the last mail at the same time I wrote yours I hope that she got it alright.

Dear Mother I wrote you this note some 10 days ago but our mail was stopped and as it goes out this morning I embrace the opportunity of sending this as I hope sincerely that another letter from home will not find one on Hatteras as I am tired of it. I must soon finish with kind love to my friends and may God bless you and father.

In the prayer of your

Son James (1)

A Hawkins’ Zouave at Sundown, Hatteras (Charles Johnson, The Long Roll)

(1) Louise Brown Transcription

*The next letters will join James in March 1862, when he has finally moved on from Hatteras to Roanoke Island. Note that some punctuation has been added to the letters above for ease of reading. Sincere thanks are due to Louise Brown for sharing these letters of her ancestor, which she has also transcribed, with readers of Irish in the American Civil War.

*I am grateful to Michael Zatarga, a researcher of the 9th New York, for drawing my attention to Swedish-born Charles Johnson’s The Long Roll, from which the image of Camp Wool is drawn. The account makes frequent mention of Fleming, who Johnson was fond of.

Further Reading

Johnson, Charles 1911. The Long Roll. Being a Journal of the Civil War, as set down during the years 1861-1863 by Charles F. Johnson, sometime of Hawkins Zouaves.