Quantcast
Channel: New York – Irish in the American Civil War
Viewing all 86 articles
Browse latest View live

‘In Account Of We Being Irish': A New Irish Brigade Letter After Fredericksburg

$
0
0

As some readers will be aware I am currently working on a long-term project identifying and transcribing the letters of Irish and Irish-American soldiers contained within the Civil War Widows & Dependents Pension Files. This work has already identified large numbers of previously unpublished letters of Irish soldiers, which I intend to prepare for ultimate publication. One of the most interesting I have come across so far are those written by a soldier of the Irish Brigade after Fredericksburg. Given that today is the 152nd anniversary of that engagement, I thought I would share it here for the first time. It was written by Tipperary native William Dwyer of the 63rd New York, more than a month after the battle. He had written other letters (now lost) to his mother that December, but it is clear from his January 1863 correspondence that the action was still having a deep emotional impact on him. William was also clearly angry that the Brigade were not being sent home to refit, something which he attributed to anti-Irish prejudice. Although he survived Fredericksburg, William ultimately succumbed to disease at City Point, Virginia on 12th July 1864.

The Stone Wall at the base of Marye's Heights, Fredericksburg, the target of the Irish Brigade Assault (Library of Congress)

The Stone Wall at the base of Marye’s Heights, Fredericksburg, the target of the Irish Brigade Assault (Library of Congress)

Camp near Falmouth Va

January 23d 1863

Dear Mother,

I take the opportunity of writing these few lines to you hoping to find you and my sisters in good health as this leaves me in at present thank God for it. Dear Mother I am sending you forty dollars $40 now we got paid on yesterday and all we got was four months pay $52 dollars and I am sending you 40 and we expect to get pa[i]d the other two next month. The[y] owed us seven months and gave us only four. I owed the sutler three dollars for tobbacco and I gave the priest one dollar so Dear Mother I will send you twenty more when we get paid again. We have log houses built for the winter for our selves but we dont know how long we will be left in them we expect to leaves them every day. Dear Mother tell Julia Greene that I have not see Mike since the Battle of Fredericksburgh only once and let me know if he is moved away because his Regt expected to got to Washington he was camped 8 miles from me when I seen him last. Dear Mother I wrote an answer to you on the 31st of December last and I got no answer from you yet and I had no way of writing sooner untill I got paid and you might write to me any how even since if you did not get or not. Dear Mother it is very cold out here and on Christmas day it snowed terrible and I was on picket on the banks of the Rappahannock River all day and night with only half a dozen hard crackers and a piece of raw pork for the Day and night.

Dear Mother we are expecting an other fight in Fredericksburgh some of these days but I dont want to see any more for to see all the men that fell there on the 13th of decr last it was heart rending sight to see them falling all around me.

Tell Mrs Smith that Johnny Mc Gowan is well and in go[o]d health and Tommy Trainors mother also he is well and in good health. Dear Mother we thought surely that our brigade was going home to New York that time but we were kept back and would not be let go in account of we being Irish. In the three old Regts we have only 250 for duty when we ought to have 3000 men for duty so we thought when we were so small that we would be sent home to fill up but who ever lives after the next battle can go home because it is little will be left of us.

No more at present,

From you aff son

William Dwyer

63d Regt N.Y. Vol

Co H Irish Brigade

Washington D.C.

Or elsewhere

 Answer this as soon as you can I never got the box that you said uncle Charley sent me if he sent whiskey in it it was all broke box and all kept.

Give my best respect to uncle Charley uncle James aunt Mary and children the two Mrs Kells  Mary McAlamey Mrs Delany Mrs Gallaher and their families

James Lodge and family

Also to Pat Fogarty

Jer Fitzpatrick

The Camp of the 110th Pennsylvania, Falmouth, Winter 1862. William Dwyer wrote home from a similar camp in Falmouth (Library of Congress)

The Camp of the 110th Pennsylvania, Falmouth, Winter 1862. William Dwyer wrote home from a similar camp in Falmouth (Library of Congress)

The fact that William felt the brigade was being kept at the front because they were Irish is an interesting one. It feeds into a belief, current after the carnage of 1862, that the Irish were being used as cannon fodder by prejudiced ‘Know Nothing’ officers. There is no evidence to substantiate this claim, but it is interesting to consider just how widespread this view may have been among Irish Brigade soldiers in early 1863. The extreme mental trauma they had experienced by participating in the 13th December charge must have exacerbated many of their reactions to later news that they would not be going home. William wrote a second letter three days after the first, in which he outlines how his mother, thinking the brigade had returned to New York, had ‘run down to the Battery’ (the Battery was on Manhattan) to meet him. It also demonstrated that he was a man of faith, which must have done something to sustain him during his experiences:

Camp Near Falmouth Va

January 26th 1863

My Dear Mother,

I received your welcomed letter this day which gave my great pleasure to hear that you and my sisters are in good health as this leaves me in at present thank god for it. Dear Mother tell Mrs Fay that Tom her husband was here with me and Johnny Mc Gown for about half an hour and he was telling that their pontoon bridges was stuck in the mud and they were two days trying to get them out he is in good health and he was telling me that Mike Greene was well and in good health.  Tell Maggie that General McClellan has left us and General Burnside has taken his place and tell her that the[y] will put us in to fight if there was only ten of us left in the Brigade all we have now is 250 men out of 3000 in the three old Regts. Dear Mother I did laugh when I heard that you run down to the Battery to look for me we were so sure that we would be going home that time we thought it was all right. We are hear Falmouth Virginia we have plenty of clothes and we have built log houses for ourselves so we expect to winter here for awhile but dont know ho[w] long after that. If I had any way of getting or ink I would write to you although I did[n’t] get any answer to the other tell Mrs Smith that Johnny McGown sent 30 dollars last week by Adams Express.

Dear Mother Father Dillon left us last augst at Harrisons Landing and he is with Corcorans Legion and I am glad that my mother is getting the Relief yet and I dont get any of the papers you sent me send me an other one and if I dont get that one I will tell you to stop sending any more. I dont want anything as yet the next letter you send send me a scapular and fix it so as it dont be any weight in the letter you will get them to buy in any Catholic Book Store and you can get it blessed by the priest. The one I got from Father Dillon it is all wore and I lost the part that goes down my back he gave every one of us one when he was leaving us if you can get one from the sisters get it. Dear Mother you can keep the five dollars I am glad that you dont want for any thing I sent you forty dollars last week by adams express and as soon as you get it let me know. Is Julia living in the country yet. No more at present,

Your aff son

William Dwyer

63d Regt N.Y. Vol.

Co H Irish Brigade

Washington D.C.

or else where

 Give my best Respects to

Maggie Kells                                                  Pat Fogarty

Mary Hays                                                      Jerry Fitzpatrick

Lizzy Curran                                                  James Curran

                                                                        Margt Curran

                                                                        Mary Curran

Also to Mick Curran two Mrs Kells

Mary McAlanney

and their families

*The letters above have no punctuation in their original form. Punctuation has been added in this post for ease of modern reading- if you would like to see the original transcription please contact me. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References

William Dwyer Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC103233


Filed under: 63rd New York, Battle of Fredericksburg, Irish Brigade, New York, Tipperary Tagged: Anti-Irish Prejudice, Battle of Fredericksburg, Battlefield Trauma, Impacts of Battle, Irish American Civil War, Irish Brigade Fredericksburg, Know-Nothings, Tipperary Veterans

‘In the Midst of Sorrow': An Irish-American Sailor’s Fate, Christmas Eve, 1864

$
0
0

The Christmas period tended to be a tough one for working-class New Yorkers in the 1860s. The seasonality of many laboring jobs and an increased cost of living caused by heightened fuel consumption saw many families struggle. Between 1861 and 1865 many had the added burden of worrying about a loved-one at the front. This was no different for elderly Irish couple Francis and Jane Duffy, who made their home among the East 12th Street community in Manhattan. Unfortunately for them, Christmas 1864 was one that they would remember for all the wrong reasons. (1)

St. James' Church, New York, where Francis and Jane Duffy were married (Wikipedia)

St. James’ Church, New York, where Francis and Jane Duffy were married (Wikipedia)

Pre-Famine Irish emigrants Francis and Jane Duffy had married at St. James’ Roman Catholic Church on 10th December 1843. Their first-born child James was born 10 months later, on 11th October 1844. He was baptised two days afterwards at St. Mary’s Roman Catholic Church in the Lower East Side. We don’t know too much about the family’s life in the years that followed, other than the fact that they became a fixture of life on East 12th Street over the course of the following two decades. As the 1850s progressed, increased age combined with years of physical labor began to catch up with Francis. Rheumatism and worsening deafness meant that he had to reduce the hours he worked, a slack taken up by his son James. By the summer of 1864, Francis had ceased working entirely. James, now 20-years-old, was earning up to $10 per week and giving much of that to pay to provide food and clothing for his parents, as well as to pay their rent at 259 East 12th Street. (2)

St. Mary's Church, New York, where James Duffy was baptised (Wikipedia)

St. Mary’s Church, New York, where James Duffy was baptised (Wikipedia)

Whatever his motivation- it would seem most likely that it was regular pay- James Duffy entered the New York Naval Rendezvous on 1st March 1864 and enlisted in the Union Navy. His lack of previous maritime experience meant that he was assigned the rank of Landsman. The new recruit, who had signed on for one year, was described as being 21-years-of-age and 5 feet 7 1/2 inches tall, with a fair complexion, grey eyes and brown hair. The young Irish-American was assigned to U.S.S. Ticonderoga, a sloop-of-war that spent time that summer hunting the Confederate raider C.S.S. Florida before joining the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron off Wilmington, North Carolina towards years end. (3)

The Ticonderoga was there because the Federals had determined to close-off the South’s last major Atlantic port at Wilmington- but to do this they first had to neutralise the formidable Fort Fisher, which commanded the Cape Fear river. The task of taking Fort Fisher was to be a combined army and navy operation under the command of Major-General Benjamin Butler and Rear-Admiral David D. Porter respectively. When a plan to destroy part of the fort by detonating a ship packed with explosives beside it failed, Porter’s fleet began a large-scale bombardment of the Confederate positions. On Christmas Eve 1864, one of the vessels that began pouring thousands of shells into Fort Fisher was James Duffy’s U.S.S. Ticonderoga. 

U.S.S. Ticonderoga, April 1864 (Naval Historical Center)

U.S.S. Ticonderoga, April 1864 (Naval Historical Center)

The Ticonderoga‘s Captain, Charles Steedman, gave the order to commence firing at Fort Fisher shortly after 2.30pm on 24th December. Landsman James Duffy was assisting with the operation of one of the ship’s 100 pounder Parrott Rifles. At around 3.15pm, some 45 minutes into the action, Acting Lieutenant Louis G. Vassallo was standing at the gun breach, in the act of sighting the weapon, when suddenly it erupted into fragments, sending huge shards red-hot metal flying about the ship. Vassallo somehow survived, albeit with severe facial injuries. Many of his comrades were not so lucky. It is probable that James Duffy never knew much about the explosion- the ship surgeon would later recall that the young man’s ‘head and arm was blown off’ by the violence of the blast. A total of 8 sailors were killed and 12 wounded when the barrel burst, many of them Irish. The occurrence was an all too common one during naval bombardment, and the fate of the men threatened to demoralise the other sailors. Captain Steedman recalled how it had a ‘depressing effect’ on the rest of the Ticonderoga’s compliment. As shocked crewmen looked on, sand was scattered about the deck to absorb the blood of James and the other victims. Then Coxswain William Shipman, who was commanding a nearby gun, shouted encouragement to the remaining gunners: ‘Go ahead, boys; this is only the fortunes of war!’ With that the others shook themselves from their shock and recommenced firing at Fort Fisher. Shipman would later receive a Medal of Honor for his inspirational actions. (4)

The Fort Fisher expedition leaving the Chesapeake, December 1864 (Library of Congress)

The Fort Fisher expedition leaving the Chesapeake, December 1864 (Library of Congress)

The efforts of the U.S.S. Ticonderoga and the others vessels had little impact on Fort Fisher that December, and a half-hearted and abortive effort by Butler to assault the position with his ground forces on Christmas Day ended in withdrawal before any serious combat had taken place. It would be the middle of January before a second engagement would finally secure the fort. In the intervening period, Captain Steedman sat down, on 31st December, to write the following to Francis Duffy:

U.S.S. Ticonderoga

Off Beaufort N.C.

December 31st 1864

My Dear Sir,

It becomes my painful duty to inform you of the death of your son Francis Duffy who was killed on the 24th Instant by the accidental twisting of a gun during the attack upon Fort Fisher. In the midst of sorrow- comfort and strength cometh only from Above yet it is gratifying to know that he died while gallantly performing his duty in battle.

I am, Dear Sir,

Your Obed. Servt

Chas Steedman

Captain

                                 Mr. Frances Duffey

                                 259 E. 12th St

                                 New York (5)

Jane Duffy immediately applied for a dependent mother’s pension based on her son’s fate. The couple appear to have consistently sought to remain on or near East 12th Street and the community they knew so well, though they were more than prepared to move around within that area. Not long after their son’s death the couple moved from No. 259 to No. 525 East 12th Street. Friends and neighbours came forward to give statements on their behalf, such as John Brennan of No. 530 East 12th Street, and Patrick McFadden of No. 549 East 12th Street, who both stated they had been neighbours of the Duffy’s for twenty years. Jane’s pension application was successful, and the couple, who’s only property was the few pieces of furniture they moved around with them, had some measure of security once again. (6)

A damaged Confederate gun in Fort Fisher (Library of Congress)

A damaged Confederate gun in Fort Fisher (Library of Congress)

Jane eventually passed away on 5th March 1877. Francis, who was now more or less completely deaf and in his late seventies, had to rush to secure the transfer of the pension to him as a dependent father. Within a week of his wife’s death he was making a new statement with regard to his son’s naval service and his own physical condition. His address was now No. 522 East 13th Street- although those who gave statements on his behalf included yet another East 12th Street resident, Thomas Jones of No. 407. (7)

Thankfully Francis was granted his pension from the date of his wife’s death. It is not clear how long he lived to enjoy it. Christmas Eve 1864 had seen the Irish couple lose their first-born child in awful circumstances, an event that plunged them into severe financial uncertainty. Their dependent parent’s pension file gives us an insight into just how vital a child’s support could be to parents, particularly if they were elderly and infirm. It also demonstrates how Irish and other communities based around areas such as East 12th Street could rally to support of their own. (7)

An unidentified Union Sailor (Library of Congress)

An unidentified Union Sailor (Library of Congress)

(1) Widow Certificate; (2) Ibid.; (3) Naval Weekly Returns, Widow Certificate; (4) ORN: 327-8, Fonvielle 2001: 137-8; (5) Widow Certificate; (6) Ibid.; (7) Ibid.; (8) Ibid.;

References

James T. Duffy Navy Widow Certificate #2247

Naval Enlistment Weekly Returns

Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies, Series 1, Volume 11. Report of Captain Steedman, U.S. Navy, commanding U.S.S. Ticonderoga

Fonvielle, Chris Eugene 2001.The Wilmington Campaign: Last Departing Rays of Hope


Filed under: Battle of Fort Fisher, Navy, New York Tagged: Captain Charles Steedman, East 12th Street, First Battle of Fort Fisher, Irish American Civil War, Irish in the Union Navy, Irish of New York, Jack Tars, USS Ticonderoga

‘Strange Soil Your Doom': Advice on How to Prepare for Emigration in 1863

$
0
0

In the Spring of 1863 the Reverend John Dwyer of Dublin penned a series of three letters to the New York Irish-American newspaper. Entitled ‘Hints to Irish Emigrants’, each was themed to provide advice for different stages of the emigrant’s journey from Ireland to America- what to do before you left, what to do while on the voyage, and what to do upon your arrival. Unsurprisingly, there is a strong religious flavour to the advice; neither do the letters leave the reader in any doubt as to Dwyer’s views on who and what was causing Irish emigration. But the letters also provide practical suggestions, such as what food to pack and what to expect of your new life. They demonstrate how common chain-emigration was, and also allude to the risks that female emigrants faced on their journey. 

Irish Emigrants Leaving Caherciveen, Co. Kerry for America (Library of Congress)

Irish Emigrants Leaving Caherciveen, Co. Kerry for America (Library of Congress)

The Streets Are Not Paved With Gold. The first letter was published on 7th February 1863. In it Reverend Dwyer discusses his views on how English misrule has led to sustained emigration, and cautions prospective emigrants to be sure that the people sending for them from America are trustworthy. He reminds those considering emigration just how tough it will be to make it a success. They should prepare themselves spiritually for the journey, and also make efforts to remain temperate:

Having for many years studied and learned from various sources that appertained to the prosperity, or, destroyed the prospects of Ireland’s children, banished from their parent homes by tyranny and misrule, I deemed it important to publish in a few letters a portion of my information, for the benefit of the emigrants and their sorrowing friends. I shall simply state what is to be done before leaving; what on the voyage, what on arriving, and how prosperity may be secured in obtaining a situation and learning how to keep it. For several months I have made this a special study, both in Ireland and America; and hence I feel confident that every one anxious about their friends, will read with satisfaction my remarks, or statement of facts, as they tend so much to the spiritual and temporal advantage of any and all leaving the land of their birth, and the hallowed martyr soil of saints. What is to be done before leaving? If you cannot remain at home, ascertain who sends for you, and from what motives, and for what occupation. Relations have sent for relations very near to them, and misery and destitution were the reward of the long voyage. Trust not flesh and blood, without a due inquiry, either when urged to leave home, or when you reach the foreign shore. Ascertain through some clergyman or trustworthy person what is the occupation of the party who writes for you, lest you fall into a snare. This advice is more particularly intended for young females emigrating without a faithful and virtuous protector. Next, remember this: the streets are not paved with gold. Hard, hard work, and real industry, you must place before you if you desire to succeed. A large and wealthy city is not a sudden fortune for you. You must work up the hill, or you will fall down. Many have been mistaken, thinking to themselves, “my fortune is made, for I am going abroad.” No such thing. No work no pay. All must work and persevere in watchfulness. Many were ruined by not knowing or not following these suggestions. As to your spiritual preparation, remember you will not have too much time to attend to your religious duties, and hence, learn all you can before you emigrate. False notions of liberty in a free country gradually undermine humility, docility and obedience, and hence a good stock of humility and docility will be a strong shield for your spiritual and temporal welfare. Learn virtuous neatness, but put under foot all notions of vanity and showy dress. These have been the cause of ruin to so many, who, if modest and retiring, would be highly respected, and would rarely, if ever, be out of situation. Secure the Sacrament of the Soldier of Christ to stand firm for your religion, and let Confirmation guard you against the enemies of the Church. Some weeks before departure fortify your souls with Confession and Communion. When on the wide and stormy ocean, then, indeed, you will wish to have a priest. On my passage from Ireland to America, oh! how anxious were the emigrants to confess with all the fervor of their heart and soul. You may not have a priest. A wealthy Catholic said some time ago he would give thousands of pounds to confess to a priest when in the midst of a terrific storm. Provide in time for the dangers of land and sea. Be resolved to be temperate. How many here might be happy and comfortable if they were moderate, and more, they could have sent home a deal of money.

Keep God always before your eyes, and in your hearts, and remember you know not how thousands of temptations may crowd upon you. Pray fervently and often, “Father of Mercy”-“lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil”- “our eyes from sinful objects, our ears from evil discourses, all our sences from every poisonous breath of sin.”

I remain your affectionate countryman,

JOHN DWYER. (1)

On Board an Emigrant Ship (Library of Congress)

On Board an Emigrant Ship (Library of Congress)

Female Emigrants, Cling to Each Other, and Protect Each Other. Reverend Dwyer’s second letter, published on 21st February 1863 and written in New York, offered advice with respects to the voyage, much of it practical suggestions with regard to foodstuffs. It is particularly focused on how women might avoid ‘insult’ while on the journey, suggesting that the harassment and assault of female emigrants during their passage was an all too common occurrence:

New York, Feb. 12, ’63

In my first letter I stated what was to be done before you were driven from your native soil, to your hoped for better condition on a foreign shore, away from petty tyrants, or absentee, or penniless, or screwing landlord, or all combined together. Who does not know that every bad landlord in unfortunate Ireland may, if he so wishes, suck the blood of every tenant? Then their spies and creatures. Some landlords of Ireland have forgotten the 5th, 6th and 7th commands of God. 1st, not to murder, 2d, not to commit adultery, or make others do the same; and 3d, not to drive people to steal; yet in their pride they force into temptation; but pray to God for patience and resistance against all their temptations.

Oh, mercy, mercy on our land,

So poison’d by the triple hand

Of Saxon, demon, landlord brand.

You leave your home, not at my suggestion, but forced by cattle dealers and bad landlords. Then, what are you to do before you start, and on your journey?

1st. Be guarded against a dangerous error and temptation- that notion of a foreign land, that weeping and parting from friends, easily led into every dramshop, where your future prospects in life may be entirely destroyed. On such occasions, pray, “Lord, deliver us from false friends.” Beware of overkindness- that will destroy you. Be calm, steady, and sober, and face your journey with God and a clear conscience.

2d. What are you to bring with you? Bring what you can, just as if you knew not what you were to get on board. The company will supply you according to agreement, but that will not do for your private demands. Tea, coffee, biscuits made of good flour, and well baked, and also a supply of soda powders, will make the journey pleasant and healthful, and enable you to save money. Some nice salt butter, and buttered eggs, would be very good. Bring with you what will enable you to steer clear of difficulties, just as if you were a cabin passenger. No cabin or steerage passenger should travel without their own private resources. You will feel the want of milk; if you have eggs, they will do; if you have not, boil some fresh milk, before leaving, with good sugar; let it cool, and bottle it air-tight. As to loose money, the less you have the better, unless for necessary expenses, or to make some purchase.

3d. Bring with you what will enable you to keep clear of all men’s compliments. Here, in America, no man dare insult a female, and would to God we could say the same of every other country. Female emigrants, cling to each other, and protect each other, for if you do this, you need not fear a second insult, and if repeated, you can easily tell one of the leading officers on board. We hear very few complaints from Germans, French, or others, of being insulted, and this because they cling to each other and protect each other. I have seen it myself, and have been told by priests, travellers, and seamen, young females will not be insulted a second time if they mind themselves and apply to proper quarters on board vessel. Mind yourselves and God will guard you.

4th. When you go aboard, do something useful. Make your berth comfortable and clean, and beware of taking too much mixed food, & c. Turn to the fresh breeze, and keep in the open air as much as possible, if you want to escape sea-sickness. Sew, knit, and chat amongst yourselves, and thus the voyage will be pleasant and useful. Have a supply of good books- and amongst them, Irish and English catechisms, such as you have learned. Labor keeps out vice.

Your affectionate countryman,

JOHN DWYER. (2)

Immigrants landing at Castle Garden (Library of Congress)

Immigrants landing at Castle Garden, New York (Library of Congress)

Strange Soil Your Doom. The final letter was published on 28th February 1863 and relates to the emigrant’s arrival in New York’s Castle Garden, which served as America’s first official immigration centre from 1855 to 1890. It cautions people not to forget those they left behind as they marvel at the wonder of their new surroundings. It also alludes to the dangers of those who would seek to prey on new arrivals, and cautions that you should avoid ‘tract distributors.’ The importance of quickly locating your friends in this new country is also highlighted:

New York, Feb. 24, ’63

Having briefly suggested in my two former letters what you were to do on leaving home, and what during your voyage, I must now speak of your arrival on a foreign shore. On seeing (as you imagine) a land of promise flowing with milk and honey, after tossing on the ocean, you may exult and forget, in your joy for the hour, friends left at home, and perhaps even a father or a mother in the dismal workhouse. Then, indeed, you should be wide awake, and watch and pray most fervently,- then you must cling to your good angel for protection and only rely on those you are quite sure of. Even relations and former friends are to be measured with a discerning eye.- This observation was made by persons long residing in a foreign land. What were emigrants before now passing from Ireland to England to stop there for a few days? The history is a sad one, and I need say no more. Till public shame forced the authorities to appoint proper agents, there was but little protection for female honor, and unless trustworthy and responsible persons are appointed for you, emigrants, to every part of the globe, is there not great risk of scandal, and, perhaps, ruin. The duty of such agents- be they Catholic chaplains or steady laymen- would be to look after you on board, and protect you when you land. If you can discover assured protection you know your course. No man of propriety would trust his daughter to a mixture of unknown strangers. I hope in God the various companies will take notice of these remarks, and if it has been an oversight for the past, I am sure they will consider the matter for the future.

Before leaving, dear emigrants, you must watch yourselves. On the voyage remember your pious home, and on arrival do not forget Saints Patrick and Bridget- their virtues and their crowns. There is but one place here affording State protection, and that is in New York. Castle Garden is appropriated for the safety of all emigrants arriving in the State of New York, but otherwise you have no claim on Castle Garden. I have gone frequently to that establishment to see the newly arrived emigrants, and to receive information from the officers and emigrants of many countries, so as to communicate what may have been written before, but what never reached you. You may meet there tract distributors, but a deaf ear is a very silent reprimand. If they annoy you, tell the officers. Have your direction and papers ready, and means also, to go at once to your friends. I have seen some who either lost or forgot their direction, and what were they to do? Some came expecting to meet a brother or father, and did not find them. Follow these hints, and the officers of Castle Garden will do their duty. They are paid officers of high integrity, with the feelings of a brother for every emigrant placed under their protection. They ask nothing from you but to allow them to act as well-instructed parents to their dear children, to save you from all harm. Through them you can procure situations. You need not be long idle if you follow your instructions. Go nowhere without their knowledge. Leave your luggage in their hands.

You left your home from tyrant gloom,

To brave the land and sea;

Strange soil your doom, strange soil your tomb,

But God is full of mercy.

May God bless you and your protectors.

Your affectionate countryman,

John Dwyer. (3)

Registering Emigrants at Castle Garden (Library of Congress)

Registering Emigrants at Castle Garden (Library of Congress)

(1) Irish-American 7th February 1863; (2) Irish-American 21st February 1863; (3) Irish-American 28th February 1863;

References

New York Irish-American 7th February 1863. Hints to Irish Emigrants. By the Rev. J. Dwyer, Dublin.

New York Irish-American 21st February 1863. Hints to Irish Emigrants. Second Letter from Rev. J. Dwyer.

New York Irish-American 28th February 1863. Hints to Irish Emigrants. Third Letter from the Rev. J. Dwyer. 


Filed under: Dublin, New York Tagged: 19th Century Emigration, Castle Garden, Hints for Irish Emigrants, Irish American Civil War, Irish Diaspora, Irish Immigration, New York Irish, Preparing for Emigration

Stuck for Last Minute Christmas Gift Ideas? Some Suggestions & Advice From 150 Years Ago

$
0
0

Today is Christmas Eve, and for many of us that means a final dash to the shops as we seek out those last few gifts. If you are struggling for ideas, why not take some of the suggestions and advice offered to readers of the New York Irish-American, 150 years ago in December 1864. Remember, nothing says I love you like a Clothes Wringer!

'Something useful and diverting': Crandall's Building Blocks for Children c. 1867 (Library of Congress)

‘Something useful and diverting': Crandall’s Building Blocks for Children c. 1867 (Library of Congress)

A HOLIDAY PRESENT.- What shall it be?- For the child, something suited to the sex, useful and diverting- not for the moment only, then to be cast aside- but that will link year with year, and mark and improve the character. For an adult of either sex the variety is endless, suiting the infinity of circumstances. The mother and head of a family has learned to prize most what lightens the household burden and betokens affectionate sympathy: a Baby-Tender, a Washer, Wringer, or a Wheeler & Wilson Sewing Machine.- The first are winning their way to public favor; the last is old and well tried. There is no question of its utility and suitableness as a present of affection and charity. Its low-toned voice will prove a sweet reminder of friendship and effective sympathy, and mingle with the hymn of thankfulness. Try it for your wife, or the widow toiling for the support of her children. (1)

The original 1864 patent drawings for Dr. Brown's 'Baby Tender'. It had a spring to provide and up-and-down motion for the child. The drawings show the different fittings that could be placed on it, from a chair, to a cot and even a hobby horse (Google Patents)

‘Winning their way to public favor': The original 1864 patent drawings for Dr. Brown’s ‘Baby Tender’ or ‘Baby Jumper’. It had a spring to provide and up-and-down motion for the child. The drawings show the different fittings that could be placed on it, from a chair, to a cot and even a hobby-horse (Google Patents)

Many thanks to everyone for reading and contributing to the Irish in the American Civil War site in 2014, and wishing you all a Merry Christmas and New Year.

A woman enjoying her new sewing-machine, c. 1853 (Library of Congress)

‘A sweet reminder of friendship and effective sympathy': A woman enjoying her new sewing-machine, c. 1853 (Library of Congress)

(1) New York Irish-American 31st December 1864

References

New York Irish-American 31st December 1864. A Holiday Present. What shall it be?


Filed under: New York Tagged: 19th century Christmas, Brown's Baby Tender, Crandall's Building Blocks, Irish American Civil War, Irish Diaspora, Irish emigration, New York Irish-American, Wheeler & Wilson Sewing Machine

In Search of Con: The Remarkable Story of the Hunt for the ‘Idiot’ Boy Sold into Service

$
0
0

In late 1863, details of a sensational case began to emerge throughout the newspapers of the Union. It was a story that would be told and retold for decades to come, and was ever after remembered by all who had come into contact with the particulars. At its centre was an intellectually disabled ‘idiot’ boy from Co. Limerick, who had been stolen from a New York Almshouse and sold into the Federal Army. For months his frantic mother would haunt the Union forces like a spectre, searching relentlessly for her son. The case would eventually involve figures such as the Mayor of Troy, the Governor of New York, Secretary of War Edwin Stanton and Lafayette Baker of the Secret Service. The most notable individual to take a personal interest though was President Abraham Lincoln. The remarkable events seem almost the stuff of fiction, but they are undoubtedly some of the most compelling and heartrending of the Irish experience of the American Civil War.

A Sketch of Con Garvin and his Mother Catharine Garvin in the Troy Record of 1965, sketched by artist Robert W. Daley (www.newspapers.com)

A Sketch of Con Garvin and his Mother Catharine Garvin in the Troy Record of 1965, by artist Robert W. Daley (www.newspapers.com)

Virtually all the contemporary documentation referring to Cornelius Garvin called him an ‘idiot.’ This was a term used in the 19th century to refer to someone with an intellectual disability. The precise nature of Cornelius (or Con’s) disorder is not known, but whatever it was, one of the way’s in which it appears to have impacted him was that he was easily led, and was quick to do what others told him. Con was born in Limerick in about the year 1845 to Matthew and Catharine Garvin. They had married in Grange, Co. Limerick around the year 1838 and following emigration through Liverpool in 1850 they had settled in Troy, New York. They didn’t stay long before heading west to Chicago, where they spent five years before returning to Troy around 1855. It was here that Matthew passed away, dying in 1860. (1)

Despite his disabilities it appears that Con, at least for some years, was able to contribute towards his own upkeep. His mother would later claim the he worked on the docks earning between $1 and $2 per day, and also had at one time been employed in Orr’s Paper Manufacturers. In 1861 Con was supposedly earning $1.25 per day piling lumber, and part of his earnings were used by Catharine every Saturday to buy provisions for the family at John Warr’s ‘Choice Wines, Teas and Family Store’ on 278 River Street in the city. Much of the information regarding Con’s working life was provided by Catharine or deponents making statements on her behalf many years later, when she was seeking to demonstrate that her son had contributed towards her upkeep. With that in mind it may be that she exaggerated the extent of Con’s contributions, as by 1863 she was unable to care for him and had to place him, presumably temporarily, in the Rensselaer County Almhouse (also sometimes referred to as the Rensselaer House of Industry). It was clearly not an easy decision for Catharine to make, and she took every opportunity to go and visit her son. Then, one day in September 1863, as Catharine arrived to see Con, she was greeted with shocking and extremely upsetting news- her boy had disappeared. (2)

The disappearance of the ‘idiot boy’ Con Garvin soon became a media sensation, as did Catharine’s desperate efforts to find him. Rensselaer County officials stepped in to help with the search. It quickly became apparent that the young man had fallen foul of unscrupulous substitute brokers, who had effectively ‘sold’ Con into the Federal army in order to receive the financial bounty then available. By November articles seeking his whereabouts were being placed in newspapers around the north. On the 19th of that month Washington D.C.’s National Republican, describing Con as about 18-years-old, with dark hair and eyes, reported that he had been ‘decoyed from the House of Industry’ in Troy and enlisted in the 52nd New York Volunteers. The information they had suggested that he had strayed away from the regiment on it’s way from New York to Washington and could not be found by either the officers or his mother, who had ‘twice traversed the route to find him.’ The National Republican felt that he was ‘doubtless in some institution for idiots or insane persons in Washington, Baltimore, or Philadelphia.’ They were wrong. (3)

Catharine Garvin became increasingly desperate as the months passed and there was still no word of Con. Then she received a report that he had been seen at Mitchell’s Station, Virginia in United States uniform, suggesting he was still in the army. It appears that her time was thereafter spent searching the faces of the Army of the Potomac for Con; a search broken only by brief returns to Troy or Washington D.C., where she stayed just long enough to earn sufficient money to continue her search or to appeal for the administration’s support. It was said that as she made her way around the troops, she ‘carried always in her apron a large number of letters, and other memoranda, from prominent officers and others, given to aid her…’ Apparently although she was illiterate, she was always able to place her hand on the correct document as she required it, and having finished her story would often leave for the next regiment saying: ‘My poor Con; I must go and find him!’. Meanwhile word of the outrage was spreading countrywide, and it began to be suggested that it had been those entrusted with Con’s care who had so betrayed him. In March 1864 the following Information Wanted advertisement was run:

INFORMATION WANTED of the whereabouts of Cornelius Garvin, a lunatic, and late an inmate of the County House at Troy, New York, from which he was taken in September last, and sold for a substitute by John Ar[i]s, the keeper of said place. He is five feet seven inches high, black eyes, black hair and dark complexion. Supposed to be a member of the 52d New York State Volunteers. Any information sent to Mrs. Garvin, at Troy, New York, will be thankfully received by his distressed mother.

Some other states in the Union were quick to capitalise on the story, which was particularly damaging to New York, as it suggested that underhand techniques were being employed in order to fill the state’s manpower quota for the army. On 16th March 1864 the Cleveland Morning Leader in Ohio ran the story under the headline ‘How New York Fills Her Quota’, stating that Con’s fate was an ‘illustration of the manner in which the State of New York is filling her quota. It ought to attract the attention of the War Department.’ By April 1864 the mayors of Troy and New York, no doubt influenced by both the pleas of Catharine Garvin and the terrible publicity surrounding the incident, joined the hunt for Con. They offered a $100 reward for any information on him. It was now clear that he had been ‘taken from the county house in Troy and sold in New York City for a substitute in the 52d New York Volunteers.’ (4)

Time was fast running out for Catharine to locate Con before the start of the Union offensive. The Overland Campaign finally commenced on 4th May, and Catharine found herself wandering through Federal hospitals in search of news. On 16th May, while searching Queens Street Hospital in Alexandria, Catharine encountered Corporal Townsell J. Chapman (recorded in the rosters as Townsend) of the 52nd New York. He had been wounded at Spotsylvania on 10th May, and gave the following statement:

Queens Street Hostal

Virginia May 16th 1864

I certify that I have seen Cornelius Garvin in the 52d N.Y.V. ten days ago in Company I. Capt George Digen gave him a different name so that his mother could not get him when she was at the Regt last Winter I being at the same Regt in Company H. Signed

Townsell J Chapman

Finally there appeared to be some solid information. Con was still in the 52nd New York, but was under an assumed name. Chapman was also suggesting that there was complicity on the part of Con’s Captain, who had intentionally concealed the young man when his mother came looking for him. Catharine must have hoped that her boy would be more fortunate than Corporal Chapman; the 24-year-old died of his wounds in Alexandria on 29th July. (5)

By now Catharine and her plight had attracted the attention of the most powerful man in America. Abraham Lincoln took a personal interest in the case. Five days after Chapman gave his statement, the President reportedly wrote the following note:

Washington, May 21, 1864

There is reason to believe that this Cornelius Garvin is an idiot, and that he is kept in the Fifty-second New-York Regiment, concealed and denied, to avoid an exposé of guilty parties. Will the Secretary of War please have the thing probed?

A. LINCOLN

On the same day that Lincoln wrote this, yet another member of the 52nd New York reported seeing Con. The First Lieutenant of Company I, William Von Richenstein, stated that he had seen ‘the son of Catharine Garevan [sic.] at the camp of 52 Regt some fourteen days ago.’ This statement, coming from an officer, placed Con in the ranks at the start of the Overland Campaign. (6)

The result of Lincoln’s directive to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton was the appointment to the case of Lafayette C. Baker, commander of the Union’s Intelligence Service. Baker first dispatched a Detective Officer to Troy to investigate the Almshouse and the circumstances of Con’s disappearance in order to establish some leads. But as May turned to June, Catharine was still wandering the Union camps. Following the Battle of Cold Harbor she managed to meet with the Surgeon of the 52nd New York. He told her what was undoubtedly the last thing she wanted to hear- Con had been killed in action at the Battle of Spotsylvania. However, how was she to know if this information was accurate? (7)

Catharine, no doubt rocked by what the Surgeon had told her, decided to return home. By then she had become a familiar site to many soldiers at the front. One wrote home in 1864, describing a review of the Second Corps:

‘As Hancock’s corps was filing past Grant’s Headquarters- a magnificent sight, calculated to stir the blood- I espied near the Commanding General a sight not very common here,- the form of a woman. The face seemed familiar, and on looking closely I discovered that it was Mrs. Garvin, in search of her son.’ (8)

Back in New York the State Governor Horatio Seymour was now also taking an active part in the case. On 13th June he wrote to District Attorney Colby in Rensselaer County instructing him to ‘make a thorough investigation of the case of Cornelius Garvin, sold as a substitute into the Fifty-Second New York Volunteers; and, if possible, bring the guilty parties to justice.’ A few days later news that Con might have been killed reached home. The Troy Daily Times ran with a headline ‘Con Garvin Dead’ on 20th June. Catharine had reached Troy that morning carrying an ‘autograph letter from the President of the United States.’ The newspaper related how the efforts of Governor Seymour, British Consul Archibald and Mayor Thorn had all been invoked in the search, but in vain: ‘Mrs. Garvin, the devoted mother, will no longer search camp and regiment for her idiot boy. Con is dead…Poor Con will no longer excite the sollicitude of his mother; but she now announces her purpose of living for vengeance. So that although the hero of the strange story is dead, it is probable that his name will still be kept before the public by his untiring mother. True it is: O, woman, in our hours of ease. Uncertain, coy, and hard to please: When pain and anguish cloud the brow; A ministering angel, thou!’ (9)

Despite the prospect that Con was dead, investigations ploughed ahead. Colonel Ludlow of General Dix’s staff was in Troy in July 1864 investigating it, and consulted ‘with persons who have heretofore been cognisant of the case.’ By now the story had crossed the Atlantic, where it was being reported by newspapers like The Dublin Evening Mail. Whatever occurred over the summer months, there appears to have been a revival of some hope through the end of 1864 and into 1865 that Con might be alive. The extent to which Catharine shared these hopes is unclear. On 3rd June 1865 Lafayette Baker wrote to Mayor Thorn in Troy saying that he believed the boy was still alive and yet to be found. He determined to ‘spare neither time or means in prosecuting my investigations, with a view to bring to speedy justice all those engaged in this inhuman and diabolical outrage’. In July 1865 the New York Irish American was still running Information Wanted pieces, supposedly at the behest of Catharine, hoping to reveal new information on Con. On the 29th July they reported that the 52nd New York had now been mustered out of service, ‘the idiot not being present.’ They appealed to former members of the regiment for details on the Irish boy, who had apparently had the nickname of ‘Watches’ or ‘Watchless’ in the army. (10)

But a piece of evidence that had emerged in March 1865 seemed to finally confirm Con’s fate- and it was this version of events that Catharine eventually accepted as the truth. On 14th of that month in the U.S. General Hospital in Albany, New York, Private Frederick Rolf of Con’s company provided the following statement:

‘I, Frederick Rolf, private of Co. I, 52d Regiment, N.Y.V., do hereby certify that I was acquainted with Cornelius Garvin, a private of Co. I, 52d Regiment N.Y.V., and that I saw him engaged with the enemy in the fight of 18th day of May, 1864, at the battle of Spottsylvania, Va.; also that I saw him when he was struck with a ball which took effect in the head, that I saw him carried to the rear, and that I know the wound to have been mortal.’ (11)

By the end of 1865 there was no longer any doubt that Con Garvin had died in service. The roster entry for ‘Charles Becker’, the supposed alias under which he had been enlisted, states that he was captured in action at Spotsylvania on 18th May and subsequently died of disease at Andersonville on 1st August 1864. Both versions of Con’s fate are included in his mother’s pension file, but Catharine (and indeed the balance of evidence) suggests that the disabled Limerick man died on the field at Spotsylvania, even as his mother searched the camps and hospitals for him. (12)

The story of Cornelius Garvin would remain famed for many years. The New York Times recalled it fifty years later in an 1894 article, as did the Troy Record in 1965. It was still fresh in American Civil War veteran Thomas Livermore’s mind decades after the war. In his Days and Events 1860-1866 published in 1920, he remembered the ‘singular case’ which he investigated and ‘which became one of the traditions in the War Department.’ Livermore had been told to investigate the case by Winfield Scott Hancock when Catharine had first arrived at Second Corp Headquarters looking for Con. He remembered how Catharine had twice gone to Washington to obtain letters and endorsements before returning to the Corps to search for her son, and that by the end her papers ‘bore nearly seventy endorsements of officers, from the President down, all of whom forwarded her mission.’ Livermore’s account of Catharine’s search appears to be inaccurate and unkind- if anything adding further pathos to the story. He recalled it as follows:

‘I took the picture of her son which she had and went down to the regiment [the 52nd New York]. The commander said that he never had seen the boy, and that probably he had been drowned on the way out; that his mother had not been satisfied with his assurance that her son was not in the regiment in 1863, but had haunted his camp, and often paced up and down his line peering into the faces of the men until she became intolerable; and asked what could any one suppose he wanted an idiot in his regiment for. I made sufficient search to find that the boy was not there, and reported the fact, and also that the woman’s conduct indicated her mind was unsettled, and recommended that she be sent back to Washington, which was done. In 1865 I began telling this story in General Breck’s presence, when he said “Cornelius Garvin.” That was the boy’s name, and as I have said his story was well known in the War Department, as this shows.’ (13)

What actually happened to Con? The best account comes from Lafayette Baker in his book A History of the Secret Service published in 1867. In a section devoted to the incident, he expressed little doubt as to the true course of events. By the time of his writing, Baker was sure the boy had died in the army. His investigation had ascertained that following his taking from the Almshouse, Con had been enlisted, sent to Riker’s Island and then to the 52nd New York. He had been identified at Mitchell’s Station and again at Mine Run, but Captain Degner who commanded Con’s company, ‘attempted to intimidate, by threats of punishment, those privates of his company who were disposed to assist Mrs. Garvin and others engaged in the investigation.’ Baker’s investigator in Troy reached the conclusion that the Superintendent of the Rensselaer Almshouse had been complicit in Con’s abduction, though the evidence was not sufficient to prove it beyond doubt. Baker also felt Captain Degner was complicit, as when the 52nd New York returned home he had him arrested for questioning. Although the guilt of the two men seems likely, I have found no record of any charges being brought against either. (14)

As for Catharine, she spent many years living in Troy, returning occasionally to Limerick before seemingly settling back in Ireland permanently in 1890. She lived variously in Ballygrennan and Balline in the east of the county, with the post office address for her pension given as Bruff. She reportedly died in Co. Limerick in 1896. It seems unlikely she ever fully recovered from her harrowing wartime experiences. An interesting postscript to the tragic story appeared in the Troy Record of 1965, when it was reported that a D.J. Ryan of the Cork Examiner newspaper in Ireland had written to Mayor Ahern of Troy in the 1940s to say that he was a relative of Catharine Garvin. Ryan had many of her Civil War papers including a handwritten letter to her from Abraham Lincoln, which he was trying to sell. It is not known what became of this material. If any readers have any additional information as to the Cornelius Garvin case, or indeed information as to the whereabouts of these papers, I would be extremely eager to hear from you, either in the form of a comment below or to irishamericancivilwar@gmail.com via email. (15)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Cornelius Garvin Pension File, The ‘Garvin’ spelling of the surname was also sometimes interchanged with ‘Gavin’. Although Catherine recorded her marriage as 1838 in Grange, a Church Marriage Record on RootsIreland.ie of 30th July 1843 for Knocklong & Glenbrohane, Co. Limerick recording the union of Matthew Garvin and Catherine Madden may also relate to the couple; (2) Cornelius Garvin Pension File; (3) Ibid., National Republican 19th November 1863; (4) Cornelius Garvin Pension File, Morning Leader 16th March 1864, Baker 1867: 448, Evening Union 18th April 1864; (5) Cornelius Garvin Pension File, NYAG: 284; (6) New York Times 29th April 1894, Cornelius Garvin Pension File; (7) Troy Daily Times 12th July 1865, Cornelius Garvin Pension File; (8) Troy Daily Times 20th June 1864; (9) Ohio Plain Dealer 30th June 1864, Troy Daily Times 20th June 1864; (10) Troy Daily Times 1st July 1864, The Dublin Evening Mail 16th July 1864, Troy Daily Times 12th July 1865, New York Irish American Weekly 29th July 1865; (11) Cornelius Garvin Pension File; (12) NYAG: 259, Cornelius Garvin Pension File; (13) Livermore 1920: 400-1; (14) Baker 1867: 447-451; (15) Cornelius Garvin Pension File, Troy Record 18th December 1965;

References

Cornelius Garvin (Gavin) Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC78263.

RootsIreland.ie Marriage Records.

New York Adjutant General. Annual Report of the Adjutant General of the State of New York for the year 1900.

Washington DC National Republican 19th November 1863. A Boy Missing.

Cleveland Morning Leader 16th March 1864.

Washington DC Evening Union 18th April 1864.

Troy Daily Times 20th June 1864.

Ohio Plain Dealer 30th June 1864.

Troy Daily Times 1st July 1864.

Troy Daily Times 12th July 1865.

The Dublin Evening Mail 16th July 1864.

New York Irish American Weekly 29th July 1865.

New York Times 29th April 1894.

The Troy Record 18th December 1965.

Baker, Lafayette C. 1867. History of the United States Secret Service.

Livermore, Thomas L. 1920. Days and Events, 1860-1866.


Filed under: Limerick, New York Tagged: 52nd New York, Abraham Lincoln, Garvins of Limerick, Idiot Boy Con Garvin, Illegal Recruitment, Irish American Civil War, Limerick Veterans, Rensselaer County Almshouse

‘A Deep Blow to Your Heart': Patrick Clooney’s Newly Uncovered Description of the Irish Brigade at Fair Oaks

$
0
0

On 16th September 1862, 33-year-old Ann Dunnigan appeared before an Albany judge to begin the process of claiming a widow’s pension. Her husband Patrick had been mortally wounded in the Irish Brigade’s first major engagement- the Battle of Fair Oaks, Virginia- on 1st June 1862. As part of her evidence, Ann handed over a detailed letter she had received regarding her husband’s demise. It had been written by his former Captain, Waterford native Patrick Clooney. The very next day, at Antietam, Maryland, Patrick Clooney met his own death, performing deeds that have since passed into legend. Across more than 150 years Clooney’s words of comfort for Ann, and his description of that first battle at Fair Oaks, have lain in the widow’s pension file of Corporal Patrick Dunnigan. As far as I am aware, this is the first time they have appeared in print. (1)

The Battle of Fair Oaks by Currier & Ives (Library of Congress)

The Battle of Fair Oaks by Currier & Ives (Library of Congress)

Captain Patrick Clooney was one of a group of Irish officers in the Union army who had also served in Italy during the Papal Wars. But it remains Clooney’s actions on 17th September 1862 at Antietam for which he is best remembered. One eyewitness described his final moments that day, as the Irish Brigade advanced into the withering fire being thrown at them by Confederates in the Sunken Road- ever afterwards known as ‘Bloody Lane':

‘…the enemy’s fire still tells upon our ranks- many a brave fellow goes down unnamed to his doom. Captain Clooney receives a bullet through the knee: the pain is torturing, terrible. The proud phrenzy of the fight is upon him. Friends and comrades entreat him to go to the rear and have his wound dressed. He does not hear or heed them. He seizes the colors and hobbles along on one leg, waving the green flag that he loves so well far in front of the line. Almost more than most men he revels in the grandeur of a battle; the whirring of the bullets is music to his ears. In the position described, exulting in the triumph of the day, two musket balls strike him; one enters his brain, the other his heart, and he falls dead.’ (2)

Antietam Battlefield. The Confederates held the Sunken Lane to the left of the image, with the Irish Brigade advancing from right to left across the field. It was in the vicinity of this field that Patrick Clooney died (Damian Shiels)

Antietam Battlefield. The Confederates held the Sunken Lane to the left of the image, with the Irish Brigade advancing from right to left across the field. It was in the vicinity of this field that Patrick Clooney died (Damian Shiels)

Following Clooney’s death, eulogies of his life expounded how of all the ‘gallant dead and living, none more strongly exemplified the dash and desperate valor of the true Celtic soldier than did Clooney.’ His actions at Fair Oaks were also recalled: ‘He is remembered at Fair Oaks, when the regiment held a splendid position in the railway cut, as mounting the embankment, bearing the green flag of the regiment in his hands, and waving it defiantly in the face and fire of the enemy, who were drawn up in the belt of timber on the other side of a small garden.’ This is the very action that Clooney describes in his own words in the letter below. Today the Waterford man is commemorated by a memorial erected by friends and admirers in his native Ballybricken, Waterford and through contemporary artworks such as Bradley Schmehl’s ‘Captain Clooney’s Charge.’ (3)

Ann Dunnigan (née Donnelly), who submitted the letter to support her pension claim on the day prior to Clooney’s death, had married Patrick Dunnigan on 15th August 1855 in St. John’s Church, Albany. Their first child, Samuel, was born on 9th December 1856. Patrick enlisted in the 88th New York on 15th October 1861 at the age of 34. By the time of Fair Oaks he had been promoted to Corporal. The couple’s second child, Annie, arrived on 14th March 1862, less than three months before her father’s death- it is virtually certain he never saw her. By 1870 Ann was working as a tailoress, supporting Samuel and a then 75-year-old man, James Donnelly, who was probably her father. By then her young daughter Annie had followed her father to the grave- she died as an infant, sometime before 1866. Ann Dunnigan would receive the pension that Patrick Clooney’s letter helped her to secure for almost four decades, until her own death in 1900. (4)

Captain Patrick Clooney Memorial Waterford

Captain Patrick Clooney Memorial (front left) in Ballybricken Churchyard, Waterford

Head Quarters 88th Regt. “Irish Brigade”

On the Battlefield June 2nd 1862.

Mrs. Dunigan,

Madame,

With feelings of the deepest commiseration I addres this note to you to communicate what I know will be a deep blow to your heart and a source of affliction to you for ever- namely the death of your husband Patrick Dunnigan which was occasioned by wounds received in bloody action of yesterday (June 1st Sunday) words of mine fail to express to you the deep sorrow which has seized hold of all who were acquainted with. I mourn him as a brave and gallant soldier who following me as I bore the Green flag of the Regt triumphant in my hands at the head of the Collumn fell nobely fighting by my side. May your sorrows be a little eased and the dark now pierceing your soul be withdrawn by the recollection of his honesty- his calmness- his nobility of soul- and finaly his last noble efforts beside the flags of his native and adopted fatherland. His comrades mourn the fellowship of one who in life never amongst us had known a foe.

I may as well be minute as I can be in describeing how he came by his death- several lines of battle had been formed in front of us and were of themselves sufficient to drive back the enemy. The entire of the Division (Richardsons) being on the ground. The day before (Saturday May 31st) the rebels had advanced in great force and drove back Gen Caseys Division. Reinforcements were immediately ordered up and hence it was that our Brigade with General Meagher at its head was ordered to the front. On the night of Saturday we reached the battlefield and bivouacked thereon that night- the fields around us were strewn here and there with killed and wounded soldiers some of them friends others enemies. At erly dawn on the morning of yesterday (Sunday June 1st) we were aroused from our chill slumbers and in a few moments afterwards our skirmishers were thrown forward through the woods in front and flank where some brisk fireing took place. We were in collumn by Division in rear of our line of battle and were protecting the artillery upon its right. Soon heavy fireing was heard and dense clouds of smoke rose from the woods upon our left. We deployed into line and fronted the enemy. Brisk fireing and skirmishing continuing all the time- the 69th Regt Irish Brigade was formed in line upon our right and the whole line of battle swept into the woods to meet the enemy- the advance was interrupted owing to the nature of the ground and the 88th Regt flanked by the left through the denslly wooded grove- upon nearing the plain outside the wood I was ordered to carry the Colors to the front of the Collumn and head its advance- raising the green flag and the Stars and Stripes over us we passed forward and marched by fileing to the right out upon the clear fields when the enemy opened a heavy fire upon us and nearly caused the head of the Collumn to waver- when dashing forward into the plaine we were enabled to form line. It was while following the Colors of the Regt in the thickest of the fire and flood of lead that your gallant husband fell fighting by my side- a rifle bullet haveing pierced his right leg passing through his right leg and through.

He was conveyed to our hospital where I went to visit him and had the doctors treat him as well as possible. He appeared to me to be extreamly exhausted as he no doubt was and he spoke very little to anyone save to myself to whom he chatted freely- the continuance of the fight compelled me to take command of my company and towards morning (June 2nd) he ceased to live. In his pocket which had been opened by my lieutenant (O’Brien) were the following effects which he has handed to me- viz a ten (10) Dollar bill- a pen knife ink bottle a piece of a latter you had written him and from which I learned your address- some heads of pipes- a pencil case tobacco. The 10 Dollars I herewith enclose to you at the same time assuring you of the deep sympathy I feel for you in this your bereavement.

Accept Madame the assurance

with which I remain yours most respectfully

Patrick Felan Clooney

Capt Co E 88th Regt N.Y.V. Irish Brigade

(In the field 7 miles from Richmond)

[you will excuse this penship as I had to write with my heart? pen- P.F.C.]

[you may do anything you like with this letter if it may please your friends P.F.C.] (5)

Clooney

‘Captain Clooney’s Charge’, Antietam by Bradley Schmehl (Reproduced on the site with permission, obtained by Robert Doyle)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Patrick Dunnigan Widow’s Pension File; (2) New York Irish American 18th October 1862; (3) Ibid.; (4) Patrick Dunnigan Widow’s Pension File, New York Adjutant General, 1870 Census; (5) Patrick Dunnigan Widow’s Pension File:

References

Patrick Dunnigan Widow’s Pension File WC954.

New York Irish-American Weekly 18th October 1862. Antietam- The Dead of the Brigade.

New York Adjutant-General 1893. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York, Volume 31.

1870 U.S. Federal Census.


Filed under: 88th New York, Battle of Antietam, Battle of Fair Oaks, Irish Brigade, New York, Waterford Tagged: 88th New York Infantry, Forgotten Irish, Irish American Civil War, Irish Brigade, Irish Brigade Antietam, Irish Brigade Fair Oaks, Patrick Clooney, Waterford Veterans

‘One of Our Brave Men Twice Wounded': An Image of Corporal William Kelleher, 125th New York Infantry

$
0
0

In the first of a couple of guest posts coming up on the blog, friend of the site Brendan Hamilton brings us the story behind a fascinating image of a young wounded Irishman. Brendan has spent a lot of time looking at images of wounded Irish soldiers and also researching the 25th New York Infantry. Today he tells us about Corporal William Kelleher, a young veteran of the 125th New York who had his image exposed just as the war was coming to a close. Brendan takes up the story:

The National Museum of Health and Medicine has an incredible gallery of Civil War related photographs posted on Flickr, some of which Damian has discussed on this site before (See Looking into the Face of a Dying Irish Soldier). Most of the images were taken as records of soldiers’ wounds, treatment, and progress, to be documented for educational purposes. But the significance of these images goes far beyond the field of medical history. These are the veterans of America’s bloodiest war, preserved for posterity displaying the injuries they sustained on the battlefield. Among these men are multiple Irish immigrants, as corroborating census and muster roll records reveal.

Corporal William Kelleher displays his wound (National Museum of Health & Medicine)

Corporal William Kelleher displays his wound (National Museum of Health & Medicine)

One photograph that I find really striking is this image of Corporal William Kellaher of Co C of the 125th New York Infantry. Kellaher sits before the camera, casually holding up his right forearm to reveal a gaping gunshot wound. He’s just a freckle-faced kid, and yet, one can tell just by looking in his eyes that this is no frightened child witnessing the horrors of war for the first time. The fact that Kellaher is a veteran at this point seems obvious. He hides the pain of his injury well; there may even be a sense of pride evidenced in the young corporal’s set jaw with its near smirk. This is his ‘red badge of courage.’ It is not even his first.

Kellaher (whose names also appears as ‘Keleher,’ ‘Kelleher,’ and ‘Kelcher’ in the records) enlisted in the 125th New York at Lansingburgh, NY on July 24, 1862. The muster roll abstract records his age as 18, his birthplace Ireland, and occupation brush maker. He was 5’8”, with blue eyes, brown hair, and a fair complexion. The 1860 US Census shows him living in Lansinburgh in July 1860 (as ‘William Keeler’), living with and working as an apprentice brush maker to 25-year-old John Keeler, possibly an older brother. His age is 14, which would mean he was actually about 16 at the time of his enlistment, and may have lied about his age in order to be admitted. Despite his youth, Kellaher was appointed to the rank of corporal from the time of his date of muster, August 27, 1862. (1)

The 125th New York was primarily organized in Rensselaer County, NY. It left the state on August 31, 1862, under the command of Colonel George L. Willard, and proceeded to Harper’s Ferry, West Virginia. Its first engagement came against Confederate troops of Major General Thomas J. ‘Stonewall’ Jackson, who besieged the city in mid-September. On September 15, Colonel Dixon S. Miles, commanding the 12,000-man garrison, surrendered his entire force after finding it completely surrounded by Jackson, who had also posted Confederate artillery at strategic positions along the heights above the city. Fortunately, Kellaher and his comrades were quickly paroled, but had to spend a few months at Camp Douglas, Chicago, awaiting their official exchange. They were then ordered to Virginia and served in the defenses of Washington until June 24, 1863, when they joined the II Corps of the Army of the Potomac just in time for the Gettysburg campaign. (2)

At Gettysburg, the 125th finally got the chance to clear their name after the disaster of Harper’s Ferry, which, while it had not actually been their fault, nonetheless tainted their image in the eyes of other soldiers in the Army of Potomac. On the second day of the battle, they took part in a counterattack against General William Barksdale’s Mississippi brigade, halting the Confederate advance that had routed much of the III Corps. The 125th lost over a hundred men, as well as Colonel Willard (then commanding the brigade), in less than half an hour of fighting. The next day, the survivors of the regiment found themselves behind the stone wall facing Pickett’s Charge. Again they played a critical role in marking the high tide of the Confederate hopes in the battle. When all was said and done, they’d lost 139 men out of about 500 engaged. William Kellaher appears to have survived unscathed. (3)

Charge of the 111th, 125th and 126th N.Y. Volunteers at Gettysburg (Regimental History)

Charge of the 111th, 125th and 126th N.Y. Volunteers at Gettysburg (Regimental History)

The 125th was again engaged at the battles of Auburn, Bristoe Station, and the Wilderness. Corporal Kellaher, a veteran by this point, received his first combat wound at Spotsylvania, in the savage fight for the Mule Shoe Salient. It is unclear exactly when he returned to duty, but his muster roll abstract shows he was present for duty as early as August 1864, during the Petersburg Campaign. His final wound, the one he is displaying in this photograph, occurred near the end of the war—either at Hatcher’s Run on March 31, 1865, or in his regiment’s last major engagement—the final assault upon the Confederate defenses of Petersburg and the Battle of Sutherland Station on April 2. The regiment’s commander in the latter attack, Captain John Quay—himself an Irish immigrant—was among Kellaher’s comrades killed in that battle. The confusion as to when Kellaher was wounded stems from conflicting records. The regimental roster and muster roll abstracts indicate April 2, while the National Museum of Health and Medicine’s record and the 125th’s regimental history state March 31. (4)

Charge of the regiment at Sutherland Station (Regimental History)

Charge of the regiment at Sutherland Station (Regimental History)

Corporal William Kellaher was admitted to Harewood Hospital in Washington, D.C. On April 5 and placed under the care of Dr. Reed B. Bontecou. The description accompanying his photograph records can be read below:

Description which accompanied the Kelleher image (National Museum of Health & Medicine)

Description which accompanied the Kelleher image (National Museum of Health & Medicine)

I have so far been unable to find where in Ireland Kellaher was born, or much detail of what became of him after the war. A pension record in his name indicates that he left behind a widow, Anna, who filed for his pension in 1908. He was mentioned in the 125th New York’s regimental history, which even included a portrait of him as an older man. The author, Chaplain Ezra D. Simons, recalled Kellaher as ‘one of our brave men twice wounded.’ (5)

An image of William Kelleher in later life (Regimental History)

An image of William Kelleher in later life (Regimental History)

(1) William Kellaher’s Muster Roll Abstract, 1860 US Federal Census; (2) A Regimental History: The One Hundred and Twenty-fifth New York State Volunteers (1888); (3) A Regimental History: The One Hundred and Twenty-fifth New York State Volunteers (1888); (4) 125th New York’s regimental roster, William Kellaher’s Muster Roll Abstract, National Museum of Health and Medicine, A Regimental History: The One Hundred and Twenty-fifth New York State Volunteers (1888); (5) A Regimental History: The One Hundred and Twenty-fifth New York State Volunteers (1888)

References

National Museum of Health and Medicine, gallery of Civil War-related images on Flickr.com

New York State Archives, Cultural Education Center, Albany, New York; New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900; Archive Collection #: 13775-83; Box #: 516; Roll #: 172

Year: 1860; Census Place: Lansingburgh, Rensselaer, New York; Roll: M653_849; Page: 909; Image: 368; Family History Library Film: 803849

125th New York Infantry, Regimental Roster

Simons, Ezra D. A Regimental History: The One Hundred and Twenty-fifth New York State Volunteers. New York: Judson, 1888.


Filed under: Battle of Petersburg, New York Tagged: 125th New York Infantry, Battle of Gettysburg, Brendan Hamilton, Forgotten Irish, Irish American Civil War, National Museum of Health & Medicine, Photographs of Wounded Soldiers, Wounded Irish Soldiers

‘For God Sake Dear Son Write To Me': An Irish Mother’s Desperate Plea in the Summer of 1864

$
0
0

I have come across hundreds of letters written by Irish people during the American Civil War in the Widows and Dependents Pension Files. In reading each one, I always do so in the awareness that the story ultimately did not have a happy ending- in every case the soldier died as a result of his service. I recently came across one particularly poignant note, a mere five lines in length, written by an Irish mother to her son in the summer of 1864. The brief and emotional passage captures the anxiety, desperation and hope she was feeling when she created it. (1)

Soldiers of the 170th New York Infantry, Corcoran's Irish Legion during the Civil War (Library of Congress)

Soldiers of the 170th New York Infantry, Corcoran’s Irish Legion during the Civil War (Library of Congress)

The author of the note was Anna Heron, a woman on whom we have precious little information. We know she was married to Jeremiah Heron in Ireland around November 1839; her husband passed away in August 1854. Jeremiah’s death apparently left her reliant on the support of her son John, who paid her a significant portion of his wages each week. On 10th September 1862 the then 21-year-old enlisted in the 170th New York Infantry, one of the regiments in Corcorcan’s Irish Legion. John’s surname was variously spelt Heron, Herron, Herrin and even Ahern, and it was under ‘Ahern’ that he was recorded on the rosters of Company G of the 170th. On 24th May 1864, during the Overland Campaign, the 170th New York was sent across the North Anna River where they became locked in a desperate fight with Confederate infantry, particularly men of the 43rd North Carolina. At times the fighting was hand to hand- one Rebel later remembered that his unit ‘killed a great many Yankees, and our side lost some killed.’ John Heron was not killed in the action, but he was carried wounded from the field, having suffered a gunshot wound to the leg. Anna learned that John was wounded- either a comrade wrote to her with the news or she saw him mentioned in the newspaper casualty lists. But after this she heard nothing more. On 27th June, clearly desperate, she sent her son this pleading letter:

New York June 27 1864

My dear Son i rite you these few lines hoping to find you in good health as this leaves me in trouble about you_Dear son i rote to you twice and i recieved no answer yet and if you are alive i hope you will rite to me_dear son aint you got any one to rite for you_dear son i expected you in New York the rest of your regiment came to New York that was wounded_for god sake dear son write to me

no more at present from your affectionate mother

Mrs. A. Heron

direct your letter to 662 Water St New York (2)

Captured within Anna Heron’s five lines are the weeks of sickening anxiety she must have felt. Over a month had elapsed since John had been wounded at the North Anna. Did she fruitlessly search for her son among the wounded men of the regiment as they trickled back to New York? Her note contains the hope, however faint, that the reason John had not written was that there was no-one in his hospital who could write the letter for him. Any such hopes were dashed only a few days later, when the note was returned to her. On the other side of the paper a Hospital Clerk had written this all too brief message:

Washington Hall Branch

2 Div Gen Hospital

Alexandria Va June 29th 64

John E Herron died at this Hospital June 8 1864 with gunshot wound in left knee and was buried in this City in good order. (3)

An image exposed by Irish photographer Timothy O'Sullivan of Union troops entrenched on the northern side of the North Anna on 25th May 1864. The day before John Heron had been shot on the south side of the river (Library of Congress)

An image exposed by Irish photographer Timothy O’Sullivan of Union troops entrenched on the northern side of the North Anna on 25th May 1864. The day before John Heron had been shot on the south side of the river (Library of Congress)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) John Ahern Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (2) NYAG Roster: 301, Rhea 2005: 348, John Ahern Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (3) John Ahern Dependent Mother’s Pension File.

References & Further Reading

John Ahern Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC85933

New York Adjutant General, 1905. Roster of the 170th New York Infantry

Rhea, Gordon 2005. To the North Anna River: Grant and Lee , May 13-25, 1864

Civil War Trust Battle of North Anna Page


Filed under: 170th New York, Battle of North Anna, Corcoran's Irish Legion, New York Tagged: 170th New York Infantry, Battle of North Anna, Corcoran's Irish Legion, Dependent Mother's Pension, Irish American Civil War, Irish Legion North Anna, Irish Women at War, Women and War

Speaking Ill Of The Dead: Eulogies & Enmity For An Irish Brigade Soldier

$
0
0

On 18th October 1862 the New York Irish-American published an article on the ‘gallant fellows’ of the Irish Brigade who had recently given their lives at the carnage of Antietam. One of them was Tullamore native Lieutenant John Conway, who had fallen in the ranks of the 69th New York Infantry. The paper described Conway as a ‘noble’ man, whose memory should be cherished. Remembering the dead of the American Civil War in such heroic terms is something that we still do today. However, it is occasionally worth reminding ourselves that these were flesh and blood people, with their own flaws and foibles. Just as they were loved by some, they could be disliked by others. Less than two weeks before the Irish-American’s eulogy, John Conway’s brother-in-law, Charles Brady, had written to his sister regarding the soldier’s death. Unlike the newspaper, Charles did not seem particularly sorry to hear of John’s passing. (1)

Antietam Battlefield. The Confederates held the Sunken Lane to the left of the image, with the Irish Brigade advancing from right to left across the field. It was in the vicinity of this field that John Conway died (Damian Shiels)

Antietam Battlefield. The Confederates held the Sunken Lane to the left of the image, with the Irish Brigade advancing from right to left across the field. It was in the vicinity of this field that John Conway died (Damian Shiels)

John Conway had emigrated to the United States from Tullamore, Co. Offaly around the year 1840. On 7th January 1846 he had been married to Catherine Brady in Auburn, New York, by Father O’Flaherty. The couple, who had no children, appear to have tried their hand at farming before heading to Brooklyn. There they entered the employment of Henry C. Bowen, a successful New York merchant. Bowen was the Internal Revenue Collector for the Third District (Brooklyn), but was also a prominent abolitionist. He had founded The Independent in 1848, a congregational antislavery weekly that at one point was edited by Henry Ward Beecher. John worked as Henry Bowen’s gardener while Catherine served the family as a nurse. The Offaly man was around 36 years old when he became a Lieutenant in Company K of the 69th New York in 1861. At the time he was described as 5 feet 10 inches in height, with a dark complexion, dark eyes and black hair. 34-year-old Catherine was still in the Bowen’s employ when she learned that the Battle of Antietam had made her a widow. (2)

John Conway’s body was brought back from Maryland together with that of Patrick Clooney, one of the most famed officers in the Brigade’s history. Their remains were ‘conveyed in handsome metallic coffins’, and taken to the headquarters of the Brigade at 596 Broadway where they were laid in state. John Conway had clearly been a good soldier. The Irish-American reported that he had:

‘served with distinction and honor on every battle-field to the hour of his death; when, like many of his brave companions, he was struck down, on the 17th of September, at Antietam, leading his command to the charge. Courteous, affable, loving and truly brave- he was as much beloved in social life by all who knew him, as in camp by his fellow-officers, who esteemed him as a “noble fellow,” and mourn him to-day as an irreparable loss. Aged but thirty-six years, his young life is another sacrifice of Ireland for America, in the annals of which, as a staunch and trusty soldier, the name of John Conway should be cherished.’ (3)

Henry C. Bowen's newspaper 'The Independent', as it appeared in 1919 (Wikipedia)

Henry C. Bowen’s newspaper ‘The Independent’, as it appeared in 1919 (Wikipedia)

Catherine Conway was living with the Bowens at 76 Willow Street in Brooklyn in 1862. She needed to prove her marriage to John in order to become eligible for a pension, so she asked her brother, Charles Brady, to travel to Auburn to see if he could get evidence of the marriage. Charles was a farmer living in Skaneateles, Onondaga County. When he wrote back, Charles took the opportunity to offer his own form of consolation to his sister. His letter makes it clear that John’s ‘bad actions’ had severely damaged Charles’s opinion of him. Charles did not even feel it was worth Catherine trying to get John’s body home, although as reported by the Irish-American this is something that would subsequently take place.Charles also made sure to tell his sister to avoid the ‘low Irish’ who might lead her astray, and encouraged her to stay living with the Bowens:

Dear Sister

I received your letter the third. We were very sorry to hear of John deaths [sic.], I don’t blame you to feel bad but still he was so cruel to you, but I suppose nature comples [compels] you to feel so. Dear Sister I don’t think he ever used you like a husband when you lived up on the lake [presumably Lake Skaneateles] on the farm, you know when you had to go out and milk all the cows and he would be away playing cards, and since yous went east by all accounts he was but worse and after he went away Mother wrote to me and told me that he never left you a dollar after selling all his things. When he was up here he had plenty of money spending around the taverns and was out at Auburn at two Irish dances but I will forgive him and I hope God will for all his bad actions. Dear Sister there had been many a good husband left their wives and children which falls on the field of battle and their family’s must feel reconcilise [reconciled] now. Dear Sister you have know [sic.] trouble but yourself and as the Almighty gives you health you aught to be well satisfied and also you aught to feel happy to think you are living with such kind folks that takes so much interest in you. Dear Sister now I am going to give you advice to keep away from all the low Irish and not be led away by them, you may think they are for your good they will bring you to ruin. Dear Sister I hope you will remain with the family you are living with and be said by then the advice you get from them will be for your good. Dear Sister I went out to Auburn yesterday to see about your marriage lines the priest that is there now his name is Mr Creaton [?] he is the third priest since you were married. This priest can’t find the record that priest had that married you, that shows how correct they are about keeping the record. This priest says as long as yous lived man and wife for so many years and there is plenty of witnesses for that. Dear Sister if you will live with this family my wife or myself will go down to see you the latter part of the winter for I know you have got a good home with them. Dear Sister I think it is so foolish to think to get John [‘s] body home for they can’t tell one from the other after they are three days under the sand. Them that are advising you for that are doing you wrong you take advice from Mr Hodge and not from them, for he knows all about such business. If there is anything coming to you he will get it for you, if you get anything put in the bank for old age. Myself and family joins with me in sending their love to you. I have no more to say at present but remain your affectionate brother,

Charles Brady.

Skaneateles Oct the 5 1862. (4)

It transpired that the priest that had married John and Catherine, Father O’Flaherty, had returned to Ireland. However, statements from family members and Henry C. Bowen were enough to prove the marriage and secure Catherine’s pension. It would later be increased by special act. Catherine’s opinion of her husband goes unrecorded, but it likely sat somewhere between the glorified memorialisation exhibited by the Irish-American and the extremely low opinion of him held by her brother Charles. Catherine received a pension based on John’s service until her own death in 1905. She was buried with her fallen husband at St. Patrick’s Cemetery, in Aurora, New York. (5)

Report to the Senate supporting an increase in Catherine Conway's pension (Fold3/NARA)

Report to the Senate supporting an increase in Catherine Conway’s pension (Fold3/NARA)

*The letter above had little punctuation in its original form. Punctuation has been added in this post for ease of modern reading- if you would like to see the original transcription please contact me. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

** I would like to acknowledge Lyndsey Clark, Sharon Greene-Douglas, Robin Heaney, Tadhg Williams, Robert A. Mosher, Craig Swain, Joe Maghe, David Gleeson, Harry Smeltzer, Iain Banks, Don Caughey and Joseph Bilby for assisting with the transcription of the Charles Brady letter.

(1) New York Irish American Weekly 18th October 1862; (2) John Conway Widow’s Pension File, McPherson 1975: 25; (3) New York Irish American Weekly 18th October 1862; (4) 1860 Census, John Conway Widow’s Pension File; (5) John Conway Widow’s Pension File;

References & Further Reading

John Conway Widow’s Pension File WC2415

1860 U.S. Federal Census

New York Irish American Weekly 18th October 1862. The Dead of the Brigade.

McPherson, James M. 1975. The Abolitionist Legacy. From Reconstruction to the NAACP.

Antietam National Battlefield

Civil War Trust Battle of Antietam Page


Filed under: 69th New York, Battle of Antietam, Irish Brigade, New York, Offaly Tagged: 69th New York Infantry, Bloody Lane Antietam, Civil War Memory, Irish American Civil War, Irish Brigade Antietam, Irish in New York, Irish in Onondaga, Offaly Veterans

‘I Trust the Almighty Will Spare Me My Life': Charles Traynor & the Battle of Skinner’s Farm, 25th March 1865

$
0
0

In March 1865, Charles Traynor wrote home to his mother Catharine in New York. A veteran of some of the most famed Irish Brigade actions of the war, he was still at the front as the conflict began to enter its final days. ‘I trust the Almythy will spear me my life’ he confided to her. A few days later, the Confederates launched a ferocious attack against Fort Stedman on the Petersburg lines. As part of the Union response, Charles and the 69th New York were ordered to advance on the enemy at a place called Skinner’s Farm- events which unfolded 150 years ago today. (1)

The interior of Fort Stedman, Petersburg, 1865. The object of the main Confederate assault on 25th March. Events here would lead to the 69th New York being ordered forward on the left of the line, at Skinner's Farm (Library of Congress)

The interior of Fort Stedman, Petersburg, 1865. The object of the main Confederate assault on 25th March. Events here on the Union right would lead to the 69th New York being ordered forward on the left of the line, at Skinner’s Farm (Library of Congress)

Irish bricklayer Charles Traynor enlisted as a 34-year-old in New York City on 16th August 1862. A little over a month later, as a private in Company K of the 69th New York , he was wounded assaulting the Sunken Road at the Battle of Antietam. The following June he was transferred to Company A, but at some juncture in 1864 he was assigned to the 18th Regiment of the Veteran Reserve Corps. He was serving with these men in Washington D.C. on 1st November that year, when he wrote home to his mother. It was the week before President Abraham Lincoln took on the Democratic candidate and former commander of the Army of the Potomac, George McClellan, in the Presidential election. ‘Little Mac’ was immensely popular among the majority of Irish troops, and Charles was clearly hoping for his victory at the polls. Aside from politics, the soldier also found the time to complain about the food:

Washington City

November 1st 1864

My Dear Mother I received yours of the 28 of last month. I am happy to find you are well as also all my sisters and brother and their families. I do not get any of your letters only the above date[d]. I would have wrote sooner only we were moveing from place to place and are not settled yet I think. I have no particular news only about the election which will be a hard contest. I hope Little Mc will be the man. I was mustered for pay and as soon as [I] get it will send you some. I must let you know how we are treated as to our rations we are halfe starved not halfe as much as we had one year ago. I have to buy part of my grub, for I cannot eat what is isued to us. Now for breakfast one pint of coffee one cut of bread 1/3 of a loafe and about 4 oz. of poarke, for dinner sometimes poarke and the same quantity of bread. Sup[p]er coffee and 1/3 of a loafe. Only fresh meat once a week and then about 6 ounces but in the mean time I am in good health thank God. You will let Barney know Tom McMahon [enlisted aged 36 in 1861] of the 69th Co. K. is in this Regt. with me and will be going home by next Saturday his time is out he will call to see Barney and you. We are mates together. Now I will conclude by sending you my love hopeing you will enjoy good health till I return also my love to all my sisters and Barney, William Wallace and family,

Write soon,

Your Aff. Son

Charles Traynor

Co. B. 18th Regt. V.R. Corps

Washington D.C. (2)

If Charles had remained in the rear with the 18th Veteran Reserve Corps his prospects of making it through the war would have been bright. That wasn’t to be. He returned to the 69th New York and the front on 5th December 1864, eventually becoming a Corporal in Company F. As the Union continued to press the Confederate positions around Petersburg into 1865, Charles took the opportunity to write home on 13th March. It is clear from the different hand writing in both letters that someone wrote them for him; the use of language and spelling differences between the two examples is also suggestive of a different pen. In this letter Charles seems to indicate that he thought the war might not go on much longer- apparently he could have received a furlough to visit New York, but thought it wasn’t worth doing it until he could go home for good:

Camp Near Petersburg Va.

March 13th 1865

My Dear Mother

I write to you a few lines hoping the[y] will find yous all in good health as I am in at present thank God. I received your letter on the 8th and was glad to hear of yous all been well, Dear Mother. I got 4 months pay and sent you 40 dollors by Adams Express. I hope you have got it before this. I could have got a furlow if I had aplyed for one but I thought it as good to never mind going home untill I go home all together. I trust the Almythy will spear [spare] me my life. The duty is hard enough here we expect to have a moove shortly, give my best love to my brother and sisters and to Mr. Wallice and family. Write soone. Nomore at present from your

Loving Son

Charles Traynor (3)

Twelve days after Charles wrote this letter- on 25th March 1865- the Confederates made their final concerted effort to break through the Union lines at Petersburg. They focused that assault against Fort Stedman on the eastern portion of the line, but despite some initial success, they were eventually repulsed. In response, Union forces further west, including Second Corps units, pressed the right of the Confederate line. That afternoon the 69th New York Infantry were ordered into the woods near Skinner’s Farm (sometimes called Skinner’s House), where they engaged Confederates pickets in what became a sustained firefight. By the time they were relieved a few hours later, they had suffered 94 casualties, nine of whom were killed outright. Corporal Charles Traynor was among the latter, felled by a gunshot wound to the left breast. Having survived some of the bloodiest encounters of the conflict, and having hoped that he would be spared, he ultimately died in the American Civil War’s final days- 150 years ago today. (4)

Lieutenant-Colonel James J. Smith and officers of the 69th New York, an image exposed just a few weeks after the Battle of Skinner's Farm (Library of Congress)

Lieutenant-Colonel James J. Smith and officers of the 69th New York, an image exposed just a few weeks after the Battle of Skinner’s Farm (Library of Congress)

*The letters above had little punctuation in their original form. Punctuation has been added in this post for ease of modern reading- if you would like to see the original transcription please contact me. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Charles Trainor Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (2) New York Adjutant General 1901: 340, Charles Trainor Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (3) Charles Trainor Dependent Mother’s Pension File (4) Official Records: 200-1;

References & Further Reading

Charles Trainor Dependent Mother Pension File WC88894.

New York Adjutant General 1901. Roster of the 69th New York Infantry.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 46, Part 1. Report of Lieut. Col. James J. Smith, Sity-ninth New York Infantry, of operations March 25.

Petersburg National Battlefield

Civil War Trust Battle of Fort Stedman Page


Filed under: 69th New York, Battle of Petersburg, Irish Brigade, New York Tagged: 69th New York Infantry, Battle of Fort Stedman, Battle of Skinner's Farm, Irish American Civil War, Irish Brigade, Letters of Union Soldiers, New York Irish, Siege of Petersburg

‘As Good A Chance to Escape As Any Other': A Cork Soldier’s Aid to His Family in Ireland, 1864

$
0
0

Occasionally, I am asked why any Irish impacted by the American Civil War should be remembered in Ireland. After all, the argument goes, these people left our shores, and they weren’t fighting for ‘Ireland.’ In response, I usually point out that many were Famine-era emigrants, who often felt they had little choice but to leave. There are many other reasons for remembrance, but perhaps one of the most persuasive is that these emigrants tended not to forget those at home. Whether we realise it or not, the ancestors of many in Ireland today benefited greatly from something that Irish emigrants to America sent back- money. One such emigrant was a man named Thomas Bowler from Youghal, Co. Cork. His decision to enlist in the Irish Brigade was almost certainly borne from a desire to help his wife and child, more than 3,000 miles away across the Atlantic.

I have previously highlighted the substantial donations made by Union soldiers to Irish relief funds; as we discovered, many of those who gave to such causes were themselves killed within a matter of months. Money was also sent home from the front to family members, be they in New York, Philadelphia, Boston, or Ireland. Many of the dollars that traveled back to Ireland during the Civil War did so because of the efforts of the Irish Emigrant Society. Founded as a charitable organisation in 1841 to assist new arrivals from Ireland, it provided important advice to newcomers on where to go, what to do, and what to avoid. The Society also facilitated the sending of money orders and prepaid passenger tickets from New York to family back in Ireland. In 1850 members of the Society petitioned for a bank charter, and on 10th April that year the ‘Emigrant Industrial Savings Bank’ was born. Its founders envisioned it serving a dual role, in ‘furnishing the means of safe remittances to the distressed people of Ireland and of distributing in charities whatever of profits may arise therefrom’ and of ‘affording our people a safe deposit for their hard earnings.’ In 1850 alone, the modern equivalent of $4.6 million was sent back to Ireland via the Society. (1)

Irish emigrants sending money back to Ireland from the Emigrants Savings Bank in 1880 (Library of Congress)

Irish emigrants sending money back to Ireland from the Emigrants Savings Bank in 1880 (Library of Congress)

The Emigrant Savings Bank was still going strong in 1864. Many men of the Irish Brigade (and indeed other units) put aside money in the bank that Spring. Some were veterans, but many others were new recruits, brought into the Brigade to refill its depleted ranks. All of them knew that a major campaign was coming. One of them was Captain (soon to be Major) Thomas Touhy of the 63rd New York, who had money deposited on 8th March. He left instructions on who was to receive it in the event of his death- he would be mortally wounded at The Wilderness two months later. Thomas McAndrew, who had enlisted in the 69th New York in November 1863, had his money put away in the Bank on 16th April. Like Major Touhy he was wounded less than a month later at The Wilderness, but survived to see the end of the war. 21-year-old Thomas Blake was not as lucky. He made his deposit on the 9th April, the same day he mustered into the 88th New York. By the 12th June he was dead, succumbing to disease in Washington D.C. (2)

Another Irish Brigade soldier who was making plans with his money that April was Thomas Bowler. The 35-year-old was also a new soldier, having enlisted in Brooklyn on 26th February 1864. For some reason Thomas chose to join-up under an alias, using his mother’s maiden name of Murphy. It was under this name that he would be recorded in the 69th New York. Thomas was not among those supporting a family in America. Instead, his wife Ellen (née Hubbert) and 6-year-old daughter Abigail were living on the other side of the Atlantic, in Youghal, Co. Cork. It is probable that Thomas was paving the way for his family to join him; it was common for one family member to travel to America in advance of the others, raising the money so that the rest could follow. Thomas may well have hoped that the large financial incentives on offer for enlistment in the Spring of 1864 would hasten that process for his family. However, Thomas’s next problem was how to get the money home to Ireland. Unable to get to the Emigrants Saving Bank himself, he entrusted his money to the regimental chaplain, who saw that it got to the bank in New York. Thomas used Youghal broker Thomas Curtin as an intermediary to get the money to Ellen. Curtin can be found in an 1867 street directory, which lists him as a Ship-Broker on Grattan Street, Youghal. As April wore on and signs grew that the campaign was about to commence, Thomas became anxious to learn if the money he had sent had arrived in Ireland. On 17th April he wrote this letter back to Ellen in Youghal:

Camp Near Brandy Station

April 17th 1864

My Dear Ellen

I sent some time ago through through [sic.] the priest attending this regiment 80 dollars which will I trust bring you 10 pounds of your money I sent it to Thos. Curtin broker in Youghal I hope you will have no difficulty in getting it. I hope you will not neglect answering it as soon as you receive it as it is natural to suppose that any man who sends so large a sum feels uneasy until such time as he receives an answer to it. I like soldiering very well, I do not know the moment we will go to the field of battle their will [be] great fighting this summer but of course I have as good a chance to escape as any other man. I am enlisted for three years or during the war. If it was over in the morning I would be discharged, but their is only a very poor chance of that but God is good and merciful. When you are writing let me know how all the neighbours are. I have no more to say but remain your affecttionate Husband Thomas Bowler.

Let me know how the child is getting on and all other things also let me know how is my brothers and sisters.

Address your letter

Thomas Murphy Company A

69th Regt N.Y.V. 1st Division 2nd Army Corps Washington D C

also let me know how is James Coughlan (3)

Just over two weeks after this letter was written- on 4th May 1864- the Army of the Potomac crossed the Rapidan river to commence the Overland Campaign. Thomas was right about the ‘great fighting’ that the summer would bring. The first major battle was at The Wilderness, where the Irish Brigade were among those units engaged on the 5th and 6th May. Their Corps Commander, Winfield Scott Hancock, would remark of the Brigade’s actions on the 5th that ‘although four-fifths of its numbers were recruits, it behaved with great steadiness and gallantry, losing largely in killed and wounded.’ (4)

Irish Emigrant Society notice sent to Ellen Bowler in Youghal regarding her husband's payment (National Archives/Fold3)

Irish Emigrant Society notice sent to Ellen Bowler in Youghal regarding her husband’s payment (National Archives/Fold3)

There would be little pause over the coming weeks of hard fighting to draw breadth. Back in Youghal, Ellen grew concerned when she heard no news from Thomas. The weeks turned into months, and eventually even the war itself ended. Still Ellen was unsure as to Thomas’s fate. Then, in 1866, a man called Michael Carroll traveled from New York to Youghal to visit his family. He met Ellen there, and told her that he had heard Thomas had been wounded in the war and died in hospital. A few months after that, a Mrs. Meaney in New York wrote to her sister in Youghal, one Mrs. Ahearne. In the letter Mrs. Meaney stated that ‘Mrs Bowler husband Tom Bowler was dead…he died in hospital of wounds received in action.’ In her application for a pension Ellen stated her husband’s death had occurred after the 17th April. She knew this because that was the date of Thomas’s last letter to her, the last word she ever had from him. Despite what friends said, there is no evidence to suggest that Thomas had died in hospital of wounds. He was reported missing in action on 7th May 1864, following the Battle of the Wilderness. Two weeks after his final letter to his wife, Thomas had entered the woods of Virginia for what was his first battle, and it would seem he never reemerged. (5)

Ellen’s pension was finally approved more than four years after her husband’s death, on 14th April 1868. In a postscript to their story, Thomas’s little girl Abigail would seek a continuation of the pension many years later. Now going by the name Alice, and using her married surname of Lynch, she wrote from Youghal to the Commissioner of Pensions on 29th August 1890. She stated how her father was ‘killed in one of the bloody battles of the war’ and how she was the ‘only child of the man who lost his life in the service of the United States leaving [her] an orphan unprovided for.’ She also cited her own ill-health and destitution as reasons she should receive payment, before signing off as ‘Alice Lynch, otherwise Bowler, otherwise Murphy.’ Her application seems to have been refused. The 1911 Census of Ireland records Alice as a 56-year-old charwoman living on Cork Lane, Youghal, with her two sons, Thomas (a fisherman) and Daniel (a farm labourer). Her family story poignantly highlights the efforts that many Irish soldiers went to in an effort to provide for their families. If Thomas Bowler had avoided death in The Wilderness of Northern Virginia, his little girl may well have been giving her name to a census enumerator in New York in 1910, rather than in Youghal in 1911. (6)

The bank was still going strong in the 20th century. This 1912 photo shows the bank of the same site (51 Chambers Street) from which Thomas Bowler's money had been sent in 1864 (Library of Congress)

The Emigrant Savings Bank was still going strong in the 20th century. This 1912 photo shows the bank of the same site (51 Chambers Street) from which Thomas Bowler’s money had been sent in 1864 (Library of Congress)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Casey 2006: 306-8; (2) Emigrants Saving Bank Transfer, Signature and Test Books, New York AG Rosters: 63rd, 69th, 88th New York; (3) Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File, Henry & Coughlan 1867: 340; (4) Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File, Official Records: 320; (5) Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File; (6) Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File, 1911 Census of Ireland;

References & Further Reading

Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File WC115828.

Census of Ireland 1911.

Emigrant Savings Bank Records, New York Public Library (accessed via ancestry.com).

Henry & Coughlan 1867. General Directory of Cork.

Marion R. Casey 2006. ‘Refractive History: Memory and the Founders of the Emigrant Savings Back’, in J.J. Lee & Marion R. Casey (eds.) Making the Irish American: History and Heritage of the Irish in the United States, 302-331.

New York Adjutant General 1901. Roster of the 63rd New York.

New York Adjutant General 1901. Roster of the 69th New York.

New York Adjutant General 1901. Roster of the 88th New York.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 36, Part 1. Reports of Maj. Gen. Winfield S. Hancock, U.S. Army, commanding Second Army Corps, with statement of guns captured and lost from May 3 to November 1, and list of colors captured and lost from May 4 to November 1.

Civil War Trust Battle of the Wilderness Page

Fredericksburg & Spotsylvania National Military Park


Filed under: 63rd New York, 69th New York, 88th New York, Battle of The Wilderness, Cork, Irish Brigade, New York Tagged: 69th New York, Cork War Veterans, Emigrant Industrial Savings Bank, Irish American Civil War, Irish Brigade Wilderness, Irish Emigrant Society, New York Irish, Youghal History

The Madigans: Famine Survival, Emigration & Obligation in 19th Century Ireland & America

$
0
0

Each pension file contains fragments of one Irish family’s story. They are rarely complete, but nonetheless they often offer us rare insight into aspects of the 19th century Irish emigrant experience. Few match the breadth of the story told in the Madigan pension file. That family’s words and letters take us from the Great Famine in Rattoo, Co. Kerry to New York and Ohio and ultimately to the first battlefield of the American Civil War. From there we journey from neighbourhoods as diverse as the Five Points and Tralee, where those unable to take the emigrant boat still counted on those who had made new lives across the Atlantic.

I frequently make reference to the fact that many of the Irish impacted by the American Civil War were Famine-era emigrants. Despite this, among the hundreds of Irish pension files I have examined, the Famine has only been directly referenced twice. Although we know that the Great Famine was the ultimate reason behind why many emigrated, that fact was an irrelevant detail when it came to the process of securing a government pension– and so it goes unmentioned. The file relating to Kerry native Thomas Madigan is typical in this respect; the word ‘Famine’ is nowhere among the 39 pages of documents contained within it. However, examination of this remarkable file suggests that the Madigans had not only suffered as a result of the Famine, but that members of their immediate family had not survived it.

The Madigan story begins in the north Co. Kerry parish of Rattoo on 21st November 1835. That was the day that James Madigan and Mary Costello were married by the Reverend F. Collins in front of witnesses Thomas Lovit and William Loughlin. We know that the couple had at least three children who survived to adulthood– Thomas (born c. 1840), James (born c. 1841) and Catherine (born c. 1845). Many years later, Mary revealed that her husband James had died in Kerry in March of 1847. That year became known in Ireland as ‘Black ’47’, the period that witnessed the peak of the Famine calamity. Mary never related how her husband died, but a family friend recounted that the illness that killed James was dropsy. It is this piece of information that suggests that James was a Famine victim. Of the nutritional deficiency diseases which caused large numbers of deaths during the Famine, starvation and marasmus were the most common, but they were followed by dropsy– an oedema or accumulation of fluid in the body, often caused by malnutrition. (1)

Rattoo Round Tower, a site the Madigans were undoubtedly familiar with in Kerry (Anne Burgess)

Rattoo Round Tower, Co Kerry, a site the Madigans were undoubtedly familiar with. (Anne Burgess)

Catherine Madigan later remembered that the family emigrated to America around the year 1850, when she was about 5 years-old. No doubt they were relieved to escape the difficult conditions life had brought them in Co. Kerry. Catherine’s widowed mother Mary married again in December of 1853, wedding a man called Maurice Kennedy. The family moved to Columbus Ohio, and another child, Maurice Jr., was born there on 16th November 1854. But all was not well in the Kennedy household. Having taken her family out of Famine-ravaged Ireland, Mary now had to deal with yet another trial– a violent husband. Maurice Kennedy was described as a ‘habitual drunkard and man of bad character’ who was frequently being arrested for disturbing the peace. Mary’s daughter Catherine felt forced to leave the household due to the ‘ill-treatment of her mother.’ Finally, after six years of marriage, enduring constant ‘ill-treatment and brutality’, Mary could take no more and decided to ‘seek the protection of her children.’ In 1859 her son Thomas, who had stayed in New York and was working as a tin-smith, sent the money his mother needed to flee Columbus and Maurice’s violence. Mary never heard from her second husband again. She would later hear rumours that he had died of yellow fever in New Orleans around 1860. (2)

Back in New York, Mary’s son Thomas set his mother up with a place to live and got her established with furniture and the other necessaries of life. No doubt due to the abusive nature of the relationship, Mary, encouraged by family and friends, stopped using the Kennedy name of her second husband, and reverted to being called Mary Madigan. One can only imagine the emotional scarring that her life experiences up to this juncture had caused. As 1861 approached, Mary was living with Thomas (and presumably Maurice Jr.) at 207 Mott St. in Manhattan. Despite having left Ireland as a boy, Thomas had clearly maintained an interest in Ireland; he was a member of the 69th New York State Militia, an overwhelmingly Irish militia organisation. In 1860 its commander Michael Corcoran achieved notoriety for refusing to parade the regiment on the occasion of the visit of the Prince of Wales. Given the impact of the Famine on Thomas Madigan’s family, one imagines this was a decision he most likely agreed with. (3)

Officers of the 69th New York State Militia pose beside one of the guns in Fort Corcoran prior to the Battle of Bull Run (Library of Congress)

Officers of the 69th New York State Militia pose beside one of the guns in Fort Corcoran prior to the Battle of Bull Run. Thomas Madigan wrote home to his mother from here. (Library of Congress)

When war came in April 1861, the 69th New York State Militia answered the call for three months service, and headed to Washington D.C. Thomas enrolled for three months service on 20th April, and by the 21st of May he and the regiment were occupied in the construction Fort Seward (later officially named Fort Corcoran) on Arlington Heights. There, Thomas took the opportunity to write to his mother:

Fort Seward May 21 1861

Arlington Heights, Va

My dear mother

I take this opportunity of sending these few lines hoping that they may reach you in good health as I am at present. When [sic.] we took up our position on Arlington Heights and know [sic.] we are building a fort to be called Fort Seward it will be a large one and it will overlook the river Potomack and the City of Washington and if the enemy had it they could destroy Washington and Georgetown without losing a man. Dear Mother we are in the center of the enemy and in the enemys state. To day we were sworn [?] in and we expect to be home marching up Broadway about the 9 or 10 of August

But remains your affectionate son till death

Thomas Madigan

Company I 69 Regt

NYSM (4)

Precisely two months after the letter, on 21st July 1861, the 69th New York State Militia were engaged in the first major battle of the war at Bull Run, Virginia (read the 69th’s after action report and find out all about the battle on the Bull Runnings site here). The fight ended in defeat for the Union. As soldiers– and numerous civilian spectators– fled back towards Washington D.C., many Federal wounded were left on the field. Among them was Thomas Madigan, felled by a bullet to the leg in what was his first battle. Thomas’s limb was amputated, probably by northern surgeons who had volunteered to stay behind with their charges. Meanwhile, back in New York confusion reigned as reports filtered through of the reverse. Newspapers tried to report the losses to those at home, but the fate of many of those who had been captured remained unclear. On 12th August a number of Union surgeons were paroled, and they carried with them into Union lines lists of wounded men still in Confederate hands. The New York Irish-American printed the list in its 24th August issue; one of the names that appeared was Thomas Madigan. The list recorded that he was in Centreville, but by then he had been moved to St. Mark’s Hospital in Richmond. By the time his name was printed in the Irish-American he was already dead, having passed away on 21st August. The 69th New York had returned to New York on 27th July, nearly two weeks before Thomas’s predicted date. Unfortunately he never got an opportunity to go ‘marching up Broadway’ with his comrades. (5)

Thomas Madigan's name on a list of 69th New York prisoners at Centreville, published in the New York Irish-American (GenealogyBank)

Thomas Madigan’s name on a list of 69th New York prisoners at Centreville, published in the New York Irish-American (GenealogyBank)

Before Thomas had left for the front he had made sure that his mother was set up with regular relief payments, supplied by the City of New York. His death demonstrates just how much of a ‘second trauma’ the American Civil War could be for Famine emigrants. By 1861, Mary had endured the loss of her first husband to Famine, had escaped the clutches of an abusive second husband, and then experienced the death of the son who had facilitated that escape. One wonders as to her thoughts when her other son James decided to enlist in the 158th New York Infantry– part of ‘Spinola’s Brigade’. The 21-year-old became a private in Company K on 12th August 1862, and thankfully survived to muster out with his company at Richmond on 30th June 1865. (6)

The laws which entitled Mary to a dependent mother’s pension had not been in place when Thomas died, and Mary had initially thought that because he was one of the Militia ‘three month men’ (as opposed to a three-year volunteer) that she would not be entitled to any payments. She started her pension application process in August 1862, when she was recorded as being 50 years of age. She was then living at 16 Mulberry Street in the notorious Five Points slum district of Manhattan. It was an area teeming with fellow Irish immigrants, many of them from her native Kerry. (7)

Mulberry Bend, Five Points, New York in 1896. Mary Madigan lived close to here in 1863 (Jacob Riis)

Mulberry Bend, Five Points, New York in 1896. Mary Madigan lived close to here in 1863 (Jacob Riis)

Mary had made a crucial error in her application, one that would be a factor in delaying her pension approval for many years. She recorded her name as Mary Madigan rather than Mary Kennedy. Cruelly, the name of her second-husband, a name she had discarded, had come back to haunt her. The pension bureau sought clarifications as to why she had not used it, and wanted information as to the whereabouts and fate of Maurice Kennedy. In addition, they wanted proof of her marriage to James Madigan in Co. Kerry. In order to obtain that proof she wrote to one of her Costello siblings back in Ireland. The response she received illustrates how those who had succeeded in emigrating, no matter what their circumstances, were looked upon for aid by those still at home. Although it is not clear from the letter if the correspondent was Mary’s brother or sister, what is apparent is that the letter writer had helped to fund the journey of another family member, ‘Jimmy’, to the United States. Interestingly, it seems Jimmy had also then become a soldier in the Union Army. Despite having revealed news of Tom’s death, Mary’s sibling doesn’t hesitate to chide Mary for having made ‘faithful promises but slow performances’:

Tralee March 31st 1863

Dear Sister I received your letter of the 17th I was sorry to heare of the death of poor tom may the lord have mercy on his soul- Dear sister when I heard your letter was at the causeway [Causeway, Co. Kerry] I went for it but could not get the lines you required untill now [the proof of Mary’s marriage]. Dear Sister you should suceed in getting this money I hope you wont forget poor Thomas soul get masses said for him and pray him constant as he went so suddenly. Dear Sister I had to leave Mr Masons a long time ago in bad health which was a grate loss to me and to set down and spend what I earned during the time I was with them. Dear Sister I am sorry I ever sent you Jimmy or lost the few to him that I did [the few pounds] to be the manes [means] of sending him to the war, I would want what I lost to him verry badley now myself for I am getting into bad health every day I am laid up at present with a scurvey in my feet and I fear I will have to leave my p[l]ace in concequence of them. I have a very good place at present if I could keep it I am living with Mr George Hillard of Mc Cinall [?]. Dear Sister I thought I would have got some assistance from you and Jimmy before now ye have made as I thought faithfull primisses [promises] but slow performances.

Dear Sister I hope you wont forget sending me some money for I feare I will want it very soon in concequence of my health which will cause me to leave my place. If it was the will of God to leave me my health I could do without from any one and as it not I crave you assistance may the Holy will of God be done in all things, Amen.

Catherine Brien will be going to America and she will tell you all about me direct your letter George Hillard Esq. Madgestrar Tralee Dea place. (8)

By the time the war concluded Mary was living with her daughter Catherine. She would eventually have her pension application granted on 25th July 1868. With the award the Madigan story once again fades back into obscurity. However, their remarkable pension file provides us with insight into one family’s arduous journey from Famine ravaged Ireland to an America which, at least initially, did not prove to be the promised land. Uniquely, it also offers a glimpse back across the Atlantic, towards the obligations that many Irish emigrants had towards those that had been left behind.

The Return of the 69th New York, 1861 by Louis Lang. Thomas Madigan had been anticipating such a homecoming before Bull Run (New York Historical Society)

The Return of the 69th New York after the Battle of Bull Run, 1861, by Louis Lang. Thomas Madigan had been anticipating such a homecoming before Bull Run (New York Historical Society)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File, Kennedy et .al. 1999: 104; (2) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File; (3) Ibid.; (4) Ibid.; (5) Ibid., New York Irish American 24th August 1861; (6) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File, New York AG: 415; (7) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File, Anbinder 2002: 48, 98; (8) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File;

References

Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC116873.

New York Irish American Weekly 24th August 1861. Federal Prisoners at Richmond and Manassas.

New York Adjutant General Roster of the 159th New York Infantry.

Anbinder, Tyler 2002. Five Points.

Kennedy Liam, Ell Paul S., Crwaford E.M. & Clarkson L.A. 1999. Mapping the Great Irish Famine; A Survey of the Famine Decades.

Manassas National Battlefield Park

Civil War Trust Battle of Bull Run Page


Filed under: 69th New York, Battle of Bull Run, Irish Brigade, Kerry, New York Tagged: 69th New York State Militia, Battle of Bull Run, Five Points New York, Irish American Civil War, Kerry American Civil War, Kerry Veterans, New York Irish, New York Irish-American

Edward Wellington Boate: The Andersonville POW Who Came to the Defence of Henry Wirz

$
0
0

Waterford’s Edward Wellington Boate belongs to the large cohort of Irish journalists who ended up fighting, or in someway participating, in the American Civil War. His story is undoubtedly one of the most fascinating. A member of the Tammany regiment, the 42nd New York, his capture and incarceration as a POW set him on a path that would eventually see him not only rail against the Lincoln administration, but also come to the support of the loathed Andersonville Commander Henry Wirz. It was an association from which his reputation would never recover. Friend of the site James Doherty has researched Boate’s story and shares his work with us in the guest post below.

Andersonville as it appeared on 17th August 1864 (Library of Congress)

Andersonville as it appeared on 17th August 1864 (Library of Congress)

Edward Wellington Boate was born in Waterford in 1822. He came from a relatively well to do family, with his father working as a Land Waiter (a type of customs official) who would later rise to the position of Port Surveyor. In his early life Boate would pursue a career as a journalist working for the Waterford Chronicle and Wexford Guardian. He married Henrietta Bruce O’Neill in Wexford in 1849 and later moved to London, where he acted as the foreign correspondent for the Wexford Guardian. His career continued to prosper in England, where he worked for the Times as a Parliamentary correspondent and also spent time in the Passport Office. (1)

Sometime around 1861 Boate and his family (by now he had two children) moved to the United States, where he again pursued a career as a journalist. His reasons for joining the army are unknown, but perhaps he felt that he wanted to part of the news rather than just reporting on it.

In the summer of 1863 he joined the 42nd New York Volunteers, a strongly democratic regiment organised by the Tammany Society. Interestingly the Waterford man had joined the Union army using an alias; he enlisted under the name of Edward W Bates. Soldiers fought under aliases for many reasons, some due to previous desertion from other units or armies, some in order to escape past events. In the case of Boate we can only guess. Perhaps due to his background and unusual surname, he wanted to choose a more common name to fit in with the rest of his unit? (2)

Unfortunately for Boate his military career in the field did not last long. He first saw action at the Battle of Bristoe Station on 14th October 1863, a one-sided affair where a blunder by Confederate General A.P Hill saw Southern troops attack a well defended Union position. In the action the Confederacy lost over 1400 men dead wounded or captured whereas Union casualties ran to just over 500. (3)

Sketch of the Battle of Bristoe Station by Alfred Waud. Edward Wellington Boate was captured at the engagement (Library of Congress)

Sketch of the Battle of Bristoe Station by Alfred Waud. Edward Wellington Boate was captured at the engagement (Library of Congress)

One of the captured Federal troops was Edward Wellington Boate. He was initially sent to the Confederate prison camp at Belle Isle and was later transferred to Camp Sumter at Andersonville, Georgia. Andersonville prison camp was built 18 months before the end of the Civil War to hold Union Army prisoners captured by Confederate forces. Located deep behind Confederate lines, the 26.5-acre site was designed for a maximum of 10,000 men. At its most crowded, it held more than 32,000– many of them wounded and starving, living in horrific conditions with rampant disease, contaminated water, and only minimal shelter from the elements. In the prison’s 14 months of existence, some 45,000 Union prisoners arrived there; of those, 12,920 died and were buried in the prison cemetery. (4)

The horrendous conditions in the camp and the causes of these conditions would become a central theme in the rest of Edward Wellington Boate’s life. Even today the topic is controversial; while the conditions suffered in the camp are not disputed, the causes behind them most certainly are. Some believe that the Confederate authorities could and should have done more for the prisoners. On the other hand others argue that the appalling conditions were a direct result of the Union blockade of Southern ports, and that the guards in camps like Andersonville were little better off than the prisoners.

Edward Wellington Boate fell firmly into the latter camp and argued strongly after the war that conditions in Andersonville were a direct consequence of the actions of his own Federal government. After his release Boate published an article in the New York News that was a damning indictment of the government of President Abraham Lincoln:

‘But our men were great sufferers, and deaths were alarmingly on the increase. The Confederate doctors were, as I have already said, themselves startled and alarmed at the progress of disease and death. But they seemed powerless to check it…We were often a fortnight without being able to get medicine. They had no quinine for fever and ague; they had no opium for diarrhea and dysentery.

Our government made medicine a contraband of war, and wherever they found medicine on a blockade runner, it was confiscated, a policy which indicated, on the part of our rulers, both ignorance and barbaric cruelty; for, although no amount of medicine would save  many of our men who have laid their bones in Georgia, I am as certain as I am of my own existence, that hundreds of men died, who, if we had the right sort and proper quantity of medicine, would have been living today and restored to their families. 

Why, the Confederate authorities were suffering many a privation at Andersonville. The surgeons who were in attendance upon the sick had not decent hose or stockings; their shoes and boots being in many instances so patched, that the original leather out of which they had been manufactured had become invisible.’ (5)

One of the famed photos of emaciated Union prisoners, showing the hardships many of them faced. Although often associated with Andersonville, the majority of these soldiers had been incarcerated at Belle Isle. Research by the NPS has identified this as William Smith of the 8th Kenctucky, who had been captured at Chickamauga (Library of Congress)

One of the famed photos of emaciated Union prisoners, showing the hardships many of them faced. Although often associated with Andersonville, the majority of these soldiers had been incarcerated at Belle Isle. Research by the NPS has identified this as William Smith of the 8th Kenctucky, who had been captured at Chickamauga (Library of Congress)

In addition to blaming the Union government for the conditions in the camp, Boate went a step further. He defended the character of the Andersonville commandant Henry Wirz, who would go on to be charged with war crimes after the American Civil War:

‘Let me refer to Captain Wirz, the Commandant of the prison, who was generally regarded as being very harsh. But his position should be considered. He was a mere keeper of prisoners – a work which can never be popular…Between the jailer and the jailed, there could not and never can be any peculiar love; but, under a rough exterior, more often assumed then left, this Captain Wirz was as kind – hearted a man as I ever met.’ (6)

As if the conditions in Andersonville had not been bad enough, a criminal group of prisoners called the ‘Andersonville Raiders’ terrorised other members of the prison population. They preyed on the weak and new prison entrants. Estimates vary, but the strength of the Raiders was probably around one hundred men. As they grew bolder and more violent a prison police force was formed (with the permission of Commandant Wirz) which resolved to deal with the Raiders.

Between the 29th June and 1st July 1864 the prison police force violently confronted the Raiders. They seized their leaders (which included a number of Irish), who were placed outside the stockade walls for their own protection. Some of the Raiders received summary justice as they were forced to run a gauntlet receiving kicks and blows from their vengeful fellow prisoners. Six of the main gang leaders were placed on trial (by their fellow prisoners) and hanged for their crimes. They rest today in a separate area of the prison cemetery. The trial of the Raiders was recorded (due to his clerical skills) by Edward Wellington Boate. (7)

Shortly after the trial of the ‘Andersonville Raiders’ was concluded Boate was chosen by Commandant Wirz to be part of a delegation that would be allowed leave the prison and travel north to meet with President Lincoln. The purpose of this delegation was to appeal for better conditions in the prison and a wholesale prisoner exchange. Boate was one of twenty-one men allowed to make the journey, and on the 7th August 1864 that were to be exchanged with a similar number of Confederate troops. Six of this group were to then meet the President bearing a petition that appealed for the Union authorities to allow supplies through to Andersonville and also calling for wholesale prisoner exchange. Boate fell ill before reaching Washington and passed the petition to another member of the delegation. The group never got to meet President Lincoln and the circumstances behind this failed envoy mission would be hotly debated hotly after the war. (8)

Although his delegation was unsuccessful Boate did not have to wait too long to see the prisoners of Andersonville released. When the Union forces under General Sherman occupied Atlanta in September 1864 it put Union troops within striking range of the camp. The Confederate forces moved the main body of prisoners to different locations out of range of the Union Cavalry. However even when the war entered its dying days Andersonville continued to operate, albeit on a smaller scale, and remained open until April 1865.

The Union forces did not waste time when it came to Commandant Wirz. He was arrested in May 1865 and his trial for the alleged needless deaths of Union prisoners began on the 23rd August 1865. By this stage Edward Wellington Boate had publicly expressed his misgivings on how President Lincoln’s government had handled the issue of the prison camps– soon he would be called as a witness for the defence in the trial of former gaoler Henry Wirz.

News reporters viewing the execution of Wirz (Library of Congress)

News reporters viewing the execution of the sentence against Henry Wirz (Library of Congress)

The trial of Henry Wirz was recorded in detail and Boate’s testimony was hotly contested. Boate attested that the conditions in the camp had been nearly as difficult for the guards as they were for the prisoners, and also testified as to the good character of Henry Wirz. A highly contentious part of Boate’s testimony revolved around the failed humanitarian mission and the fact that Union authorities wouldn’t meet his delegation. By the time of the trial the original petition had disappeared and the Union authorities denied ever receiving it. Wirz’s defence argued that the existence of the delegation and the refusal of the Union authorities to meet with them proved that Henry Wirz was not solely responsible for the horrors of Andersonville. This was simply too much for the prosecution Judge Advocate. He stated:

To prove, in this unheard-of way, a fact which can scarcely be believed of a man whose name and fame are so unstained and so unimpeachable as that of President Lincoln. That this committee were refused a conference with the late President upon a subject of this kind is improbable, and I may say preposterous.This court must not allow a slandel (sic.) of that kind against the memory of so great and good a man as President Lincoln to be repeated by this witness who has no knowledge of the facts. (9)

Alexander Gardner captured a series of images of Henry Wirz's execution in Washington D.c. on 10th November 1865. Here the Death Warrant is being read to Wirz on the Scaffold (Library of Congress)

Alexander Gardner captured a series of images of Henry Wirz’s execution in Washington D.C. on 10th November 1865. Here the Death Warrant is being read to Wirz on the Scaffold (Library of Congress)

Boate’s testimony was wide-ranging and covered incidents of alleged cruelty to prisoners, the issue of the ‘Andersonville Raiders’, availability of medicine and offers made by Union soldiers to join the Confederate Army amongst other topics. But despite this and the best efforts of his defence team Henry Wirz was convicted. The findings of the court run into pages but the paragraph below gives an idea of the mood of the military tribunal, which found Wirz guilty of conspiring to:

Impair and injure the health and to destroy the lives, by subjecting to torture. and great suffering, by coufining (sic) in unhealthy and unwholesome quarters, by exposing, to the inclemency of winter and to the burning suns of summer, by compelling the use of impure water, and by furnishing insufficient and unwholesome food, of large numbers of federal prisoners. (10)

On the 10th of November 1865 Henry Wirz faced his sentence– death by hanging. The event was widely covered by the media. Newspapers like the Washington-based Evening Star devoted a copious amount of coverage to the execution. Their coverage followed the event in minute detail, even publishing copies of Wirz’s last letters. (11)

Adjusting the rope for the execution of Wirz (Library of Congress)

Adjusting the rope for the execution of Wirz (Library of Congress)

Edward Wellington Boate was scathing in his criticism of the Union authorities. He believed that the Naval blockade and the refusal to exchange prisoners were the two main contributory factors that led to the poor conditions in Andersonville. To a prisoner in the camp these issues may have appeared simply remedied; offer a wholesale prisoner exchange and make medical supplies exempt from the naval blockade. However, in the interest of balance it is worth noting that prisoner exchange had operated earlier in the war. In the early days of the conflict exchanges happened on an ad hoc basis between opposing commanders. In 1862 the Dix- Hill Cartel (named after the two opposing generals who signed it) agreement came into effect. This went into great detail in relation to the workings of any exchange. The Cartel offered a scale of equivalencies, such as a captain is worth 15 privates etc. The deal also agreed two locations for exchange. By June 1863 the Cartel agreement had all but collapsed. Mutual distrust in addition to the refusal of the confederacy to recognise escaped slaves as prisoners of war and the disparity in numbers (the Union held nearly twice as many prisoners as the Confederacy) were all items of contention. However exchanges did occur sporadically throughout the duration of the conflict.

The other key issue that Boate blamed on the Union was the lack of medical supplies getting through the blockade. The naval blockade only existed on paper at the start of the conflict, but the Union rapidly expanded their navy and soon had effectively sealed Confederate access to imports. Allowing blockade runners through with medical supplies would be difficult to police. Would the blockade runners allow their boats be boarded for inspection? In addition, how would the authorities guarantee that the medicine would ever reach the camps and not end up in the parlours of the wealthy in Richmond?

A soldier springs the trapdoor, with men looking on from the trees beyond (Library of Congress)

A soldier springs the trapdoor, with men looking on from the trees beyond (Library of Congress)

Edward Wellington Boate may have had valid reason to blame the Union authorities, or he may have failed to understand the complexities around the issue. The allocation of blame for events at camps such as Andersonville is still hotly debated. In Boate’s case, he paid a heavy price for his lambasting of President Lincoln. His opinion pieces seemed to have been received readily enough by the media whilst Lincoln lived, however with the leader’s death, tolerance of any criticism towards Lincoln ended. Boate became a social pariah in New York society after the war. The level of social exclusion he suffered is best typified by his obituary. Upon his death on 19th September 1871 his wife submitted a glowing obituary to the local paper, the Brooklyn Daily Eagle. The editor published the obituary, but not without adding a few thoughts of his own:

Edward Wellington Boate died yesterday in the County Hospital at Flatbush. He was a man of good abilities and much miscellaneous newspaper experience, but of late years sacrificed self-respect to self-indulgence, and from being a writer of items sank to furnishing police items for his former confreres to record. His wife, who has been alternately the assistant of his literary labours and the victim of his neglect and ill usage, is left un-provided for. She, faithful to the last, as women are all the more apparently, when they have the most provocation not to be sent us the following obituary. (12)

The bravery of the Irish soldiers in the American Civil War is often commented on. One of the bravest surely must be Waterford native Edward Wellington Boate. The merits of his moral stance can be debated, but what is certain is that he paid a heavy price for voicing what turned out to be deeply unpopular opinions.

The hooded body of Henry Wirz hanging from the scaffold (Library of Congress)

The hooded body of Henry Wirz hanging from the scaffold (Library of Congress)

(1) Scoop Journalist Database; (2) 42nd New York Roster, US Army Pension Files; (3) Civil War Trust Battle of Bristoe Station Page; (4) Andersonville National Historic Site; (5) New York News July 1865 quoted in SHSP 10: 26; (6) Ibid: 28; (7) Marvel 2006: 100-1; (8) Executive Documents of the Second Session of the Fortieth Congress; (9) Ibid.; (10) Ibid.; (11) Washington Evening Star 10th November 1865; (12) Brooklyn Daily Eagle 21st September 1871;

References

US Army Pension Files.

New York News.

Washington Evening Star.

Brooklyn Daily Eagle.

Roster of the 42nd New York Infantry.

Marvel, William 2006. Andersonville: The Last Depot.

Boate, Edward Wellington 1882. ‘The True Story of Andersonville Told By a Federal Prisoner’ (originally produced in the New York News, July 1865) in Southern Historical Society Papers Vol. 10 Nos 1 & 2, 25-32.

House of Representatives 1866. Executive Documents of the House of Representatives of the United States of the Second Session of the Fortieth Congress, Executive Document No. 23. Trial of Henry Wirz (particularly Edward Wellington Boate for the Defence, commencing p. 687).

Andersonville National Historic Site.

Civil War Trust Battle of Bristoe Station Page.

Scoop Journalist Database.


Filed under: Battle of Bristoe Station, Discussion and Debate, Guest Post, New York, Waterford Tagged: 42nd New York Infantry, Andersonville Raiders, Battle of Bristoe Station, Edward Wellington Boate, Henry Wirz Trial, Irish American Civil War, Tammany Hall, Waterford Veterans

The Civil War Letters of Captain James Fleming, Part 4: With Hawkins’ Zouaves at Roanoke

$
0
0

The fourth instalment of letters from James Fleming of Antrim (Find Part 1 here, Part 2 here and Part 3 here) joins the 9th New York in North Carolina with the Burnside expedition of 1862. In the first letter, James provides a detailed description of his part in the Battle of Roanoke Island on 8th February that year. He also responds to his mother’s contention that the Rebels are ‘fighting for their homes.’ His second letter references the Battle of Camden (South Mills) and relates how James feels the war is ‘pretty near over.’ The final letter in this group is perhaps the most interesting. James supplies vivid descriptions of everything from the island’s biting insects to it’s snuff-spitting women. He also provides an intriguing passage referencing the exploits of Meagher’s Irish Brigade. James and Meagher came from different traditions in Ireland, but it is clear that James identified himself very closely with his ‘own countrymen.’ He also makes reference to the United Kingdom’s perceived closeness to the Confederacy in early 1862, and how they needed to be cautious, as the Irish in the Northern States still remembered the Famine: ‘I hope that England will not be so foolish as put her nose into the quarrel in the States at present as the Irish of America have not forgot how English law treated or what caused them to leave their native soil.’

The Charge of Hawkins' Zouaves at Roanoke Island (Harper's Weekly)

The Charge of Hawkins’ Zouaves at Roanoke Island (Harper’s Weekly)

Roanoak Island

Camp Reno 

March 30th 1862

My Dear Father & Mother

I received your welcome letter some time since which gave me great comfort to learn that you were all in perfect health as thank God this leaves me enjoying better health than is possible for a soldier to expect. I am stout healthy & strong as you must know that a soldiers life is less or more exposed to all matters.

Dr mother you wish to know how I live, well I believe I gave you at one time the list of my hours but I live well. I generally keep one servant a man which does my cooking cleaning up my quarters etc. I send my washing to the nearest washerwoman that I can find thats if there is any women around if not I make my servant act in that capacity which you see is a man of all work. My quarters consist of a wood shanty plenty of room for a table two bunks at the one end, one for the Captain and the other for my self also its well ventilated the only difficulty is when it rains it generally rains inside as well as outside but still I am comfortable. You say that I cannot complain. Dear mother you say that the Rebels are fighting for their homes such is not the case they are fighting to separate this great union which never can be done but I suppose before this reaches you you will have heard of what our army has done since last I wrote you. We have been victorious in a great many battles lately. I had my hand tied since last I wrote you. I suppose you may of heard of the gallant charge of Hawkins Zouaves and carrying a masked battery at the point of the Bayonet. I am proud to say I was one of the officers that cheered my men on. If some of my young friends could only see the ground that we had to charge over they would dread to try it without an enemy in their front. I was several times into the middle in water & mud but forward was the cry we carried the day, with only 11 men wounded & 2 officers slightly did not get a single man shot. This was the second day of the fight the 1st day was with the gun boats unto they had to retire for darkness.Only a short time before dark the signal was hoisted to land the troop which we done under the cover of 2 gun boats and darkness. About 2 o’clock in the morning we had about 11,000 men landed we had about 400 yds to walk through mud knee deep. We bivouaked in a large corn field so you can imagine what sort of a sight that number of men was sitting around their fires waiting with patience the coming of the day. The rain all night fell in torrents at daylight we heard firing in our ears. The report was that we were attacked every man grasped his piece determined to punish the rebels for that nights suffering, but it was a false alarm the order was then given to march upon the enemy which we did this was about 7 o’clock am.They had to march about 3 miles before we reached them and as our regiment was held as the reserve we did not get up until 11 o’clock when our side was suffering severely as they had been ordered to charge but refused doing so. As soon as our regiment got within sight of that Battery such another cheer you never heard the like of as their comes the Zouaves we were about 20 minutes under their fire when we received the order to charge and in 15 minutes our stars & stripes was floating over that rebel battery and the rebels flying in every direction. We then pursued taking over 3,500 prisoners and the next morning Roanoak Island was ours one of their strongholds. I received an extra Bar on my shoulder for that days work that was on the 8th of Feby and since that time we are stationed here its a very nice place a great improvement upon Hatteras. You can see how a soldier has to like something for 3 nights I had not off a stich of my clothes the first night I wrapped my blanket which I always carry around me and lay down but soon got rather wet to lay so I walked around the 3rd night was dry I lay this night upon a board one end which I warmed at the camp fire & stitched myself with my blanket around. I got a good sleep that night for 3 hours which satisfied me but I may say that during that time my clothes had not dry [Letter ends, incomplete] (1)

In The Long Roll, Charles Johnson recalled James Fleming in the charge upon the battery at Roanoake, providing an insight into the Irishman’s singularity of purpose during the fight. In the midst of the assault, the regiment’s Major fell into the battery’s defensive ditch and was unable to extricate himself. Johnson remembered that ‘as he [the Major] was floundering and spluttering this way, our Lieutenant Flemming, a six-footer, cleared the ditch with a bound, not hearing or heeding the Major, who frantically called on him to help him out. He afterward explained in my hearing, “Lord, Major, I would not have helped me own father up then.”‘ (2)

Roanoke Island Battleground (The Long Roll)

Roanoke Island Battleground (The Long Roll)

Camp Reno 

Roanoak Island

N C

May 1st 1862

My Dear Father & Mother

I have just received yours of the 23rd March which gives me great pleasure to find you all well and thank God this leaves me at present enjoying good health. We are posted on this Island since the fight which you got the description of. I have been in another one rather warm work but come out victorious once more it was on Easter Saturday & Sunday we started on Friday night and marched about 35 miles meeting the enemy about 2 o’clock on Saturday giving them a good thrashing and returning Saturday night. The fight was severe and our march was long and very tiresome but such is war. On the 4th of this month I will be one year the time is slipping along and I trust to god that it will get along as well the 2nd year. I got promoted after the fight here. Dr mother you must not worry yourself so much concerning me as I am quite safe and I question very much whether our Regiment will ever be engaged in another fight as I think that the war is pretty near over as we have whipped the Rebels in every fight for so far unless Bull Run, and that was only a retreat. I am very glad to hear that my Brothers are doing so well and hope they will continue to do so give them my kind love when you see them. I am not sure whether it was to you or Harry that I wrote my last but I will write a long letter to Harry or Andy next week. Tell Alex that I do not get his papers I have not got a paper from him in some time. I am glad to hear that Agnes & he are doing so well also that Thos had settled, how is he getting along at Muckamore. You say Father & you have suffered from sickness this winter I have escaped winter for one year as I have not seen any scarce cold enough to wear an overcoat and at present quite warm we have a very long day and beautiful weather as this is the most pleasant part of the year and I hope to providence that you and Father has quite recovered again. I suppose that Sarah Jane is a fine girl by this time I send her a kiss–

Dear Mother I have not much more to say. I get letters regular from Mary Ann they are all well she stated in her last that Aunt Mattie & Thos were going home this summer and I wish them a safe passage. Give my love to all my old friends Mrs R & sister & mother also Mr W Rankin & sister and the rest of my acquaintances. Good bye for the present from your very affectionate son

James

The Charge of Hawkins' Zouaves at Camden (The Long Roll)

The Charge of Hawkins’ Zouaves at Camden (The Long Roll)

Roanoak Island

July 6th 1862

 My Dear Father & Mother

Once more I am enabled to embrace the opportunity of writing to you. I received yours of June 4th which gave me great pleasure to know that you are all enjoying that blessing good health as thank God this leaves me at present quite well in fact I never had better health in my life as a soldiers life agrees well with me. We are still in Garrison on Roanoak Island and has very good times not much duty to perform the only annoyance that we have is the muskatoes fleas & woodticks resembling something of a ship lice. We got them off the bushes when we go in the woods and they hang on you like a Bull dog they will continue biting to they get completely under the skin and then they die so you must cut them out if not removed before they get that length so that is the only thing that we have seen in the shape of an enemy in 3 months. So even that vermin like the Rebels I think the hand of providence is against for we have had 3 or 4 very cold days which have removed them from our paths. Colder than it has been for many years. So I sincerely hope by the time you receive this that the last blow will be struck and the Rebels swept out of the United States as we are whipping them some place every day their deserters and prisoners that we take may not to be released as they have neither provisions or clothing they are getting well disheartend. We are sending all of our force to Richmond as all the Regt in this Dept are under marching orders so Dear mother its most likely the next letter I will write you will be from the Rebel Capitol the stronghold of secession we have not got any positive orders but we expect them and suppose its there that we are going. I am proud to inform you that a Brigade of my own Countrymen have distinguished themselves bravely in the different battles they got highly complimented and the general was heard to say with a few more Brigades of such men the war would not last long as it was said by some jealous [?] American when our gallant 69th Irish Regt went out they were only fit to dig trenches but we have proved during the war who is the best defenders of our old flag the Stars & Stripes.There never were troops known to fight better than my own countrymen. I hope that England will not be so foolish as put her nose into the quarrel in the States at present as the Irish of America have not forgot how English law treated or what caused them to leave their native soil. Dear mother I might give you more news concerning my stay and acquaintances upon this Island but pen & ink could scarcely do them justice. I will give you the instance of their Customs the ladies and that is chewing snuff they carry a small brush about the length of your finger that they dip in the snuff and fill their gums full of snuff and then they leave the stick in their mouth with the one end sticking out and so their spit is something resembling what you will see an old tobacco chewer ejecting out of his mouth– and so a great many other customs equally obnoxious to an outside observer but when I pay you a visit I will make you all laugh concerning some of the Country inhabitants customs. Dr mother I am glad to learn from your last that my Brothers are doing so well but I always thought that Andy would be a saving old man I suppose that he would get married but afraid of the expense that the wife would cost. It gives me great pleasure to know that Harry is continuing so well as I hope that he will always be so give them my kind love when you see any of them. I have not write to any of them in some time but will do so soon. I am glad to hear that Thos & Nancy are getting along smoothly and I suppose that Alex & Agnes are doing their best to make a fortune before they die. I heard that she only allowed him to drink one glass of punch in the day, does she still keep him upon his allowance tell her that I said there would be more virtue in two before retiring for the night. I am glad that Sarah and her man is getting along so well as I hope that she may prosper give her my kind love tell her that I have the little piece of poetry that she gave me before I left. Does Malcolm or Mary Ann ever come down to see you or what family has she now. I suppose they are doing well and enjoying the good things of the earth. Now for my old Larne friends hoping that god in his goodness has showered down the good things of earth and his blessing upon them all and that they are happy give them my kind regards as if mentioned separately. I had a letter from Mary Ann a few days ago all enjoying good health also one from Thos Moffat they are all well. I am afraid that it would cost too much for them to go home I expected to have had the pleasure of seeing them before this time but was disappointed. Dr mother since I commenced to write I hear that we are not going to Richmond but merely out upon a recoignance through the country for one week or so if I don’t write again before I start I will as soon as I return. I must now finish did the little bush grow with my father that I sent him – & may god bless you & father the prayer of your son

James (1)

Bivouac of Burnside's Army, Roanoke Island (The Long Roll)

Bivouac of Burnside’s Army, Roanoke Island (The Long Roll)

(1) Louise Brown Transcription; (2) Johnson 1911: 100-1

*The next letters in the series will join James and his regiment in Virginia during the Autumn of 1862. Note that some punctuation has been added to the letters above for ease of reading. Sincere thanks are due to Louise Brown for sharing these letters of her ancestor, which she has also transcribed, with readers of Irish in the American Civil War.

*I am grateful to Michael Zatarga, a researcher of the 9th New York, for drawing my attention to Swedish-born Charles Johnson’s The Long Roll. The account makes frequent mention of Fleming, who Johnson was fond of.


Filed under: Antrim, Battle of Roanoke Island, New York Tagged: 9th New York Infantry, Antrim Veterans, Battle of Roanoke Island, Burnside Expedition, Captain James Fleming, Hawkins' Zouaves, Irish American Civil War, Northern Ireland Veterans

Meagher’s ‘Drunken Freaks’& Old Abe ‘Astonished’: The Last Letters of John Doherty, 63rd New York, Irish Brigade

$
0
0

Corporal John Doherty of the Irish Brigade wrote a series of letters home to his family from Virginia and Maryland in the summer of 1862. Transcribed here for the first time, the letters detail John’s pride in the Irish Brigade– ‘the envy of the rest of the army’– but likewise suggest that the realities of fighting had cured him of any romance concerning war– soldiering was ‘not what it is cracked up to be.’ Equally they describe his contact and experiences with well-known figures, be it the ‘drunken freaks’ of Thomas Francis Meagher, the call by George B. McClellan to give three cheers for the ‘old green flag’ or the opportunity the Irishmen had to ‘astonish’ President Abraham Lincoln. Described also are the hardships of the march, as the Brigade headed towards the disaster that was befalling their comrades at Second Bull Run, and the strength that religious faith could provide on the battlefield. Ultimately John’s are a sequence of letters that were cut short by what turned out to be the bloodiest day in United States history. (1)

President Lincoln reviewing the troops at Harrison's Landing, an event which John Doherty witnessed and described (Library of Congress)

President Lincoln reviewing the troops at Harrison’s Landing, an event which John Doherty witnessed and described (Library of Congress)

John Doherty hailed from Ireland– it has not yet proved possible to establish where. His parents James and Ann had been married there on 25th May 1837, with John being born around the year 1839. At some juncture, probably around 1850, they emigrated to New York, eventually settling in Strattonport (later College Point) in Queens on Long Island. The 1860 Census records the family (in Flushing, Long Island) headed by 50-year-old Ann. John made his living in a local button factory, where he earned between $5 and $12 per week. With his father having passed away not long after the family came to America, John’s earnings were important to his wider family. It seems likely his then 19-year-old brother Patrick worked in the same trade, while his 17-year-old sister Mary is recorded as a ‘Factory girl.’ Their earnings helped to support not only their mother, but also their younger siblings Thomas (14) and James (10). Mary Donohue, a 27-year-old seamstress (possibly a relative of Ann) also lived with the family. All had been born in Ireland. On the 20th February 1862 John decided that his future lay away from the factory, and instead opted for the field of battle. On 3rd April 1862 he mustered in as a private in Company F of the 63rd New York Infantry, part of Brigadier-General Thomas Francis Meagher’s Irish Brigade. (2)

John was soon writing home. His mother Ann was illiterate, but as was common for many, Irish neighbours Thomas Smyth and Patrick Curtin called round to read John’s letters to her when they arrived. The first letter preserved in John’s file was written from Harrison’s Landing, Virginia in late July, McClellan having withdrawn his army to that position following defeat during the Seven Days’ Battles. By this time John appears to have been promoted to Corporal.

July 19th/62

Harrisons Landing Va

Dear Mother,

I got your long looked for but welcome letter it being a month since I got a letter from you, I thought you had forgotten me. I hope you will not be as long without writing any more. I got paid 2 months pay yesterday we got paid to the 1st of May, I hear we will get 2 months more next week. I gave $25.00 to Father Dillon to send to you by Adams Express, my pay came to $29.90. I said in my letter to Pat that Father Dillon was put under arrest, he was released in 2 days after. He said he did not know why he was arrested, I think it was a drunken freak of Genel Meagher. Father Dillon is a very good man he is highly esteemed not only by the Brigade but by all the Irish Regts in this Army. Every place we go he has some kind of a church made of green boughs with the cross on top of it, many of them is scattered all over Virginia yet in the places we passed through. I got a letter from Uncle John a week ago he and family is well he has been long waiting for a letter from you but got none. I got a newspaper with your letter yesterday, you need not send me any more the[y] are too old when I get them, you might send me a weekly paper once in a while. If it would not be too much trouble I would like very much to get [a] box but I am afraid it would hardly come safe. If you would send one you might send 1 cotton pocket handkerchief, 1 towel, 4 sheets writing paper, 6 envelopes a bottle of ink needles and thread and a piece of chees[e] and a box of Ayers Pills. I have diarrhea this week past, I am able to do duty though I don’t feel very well. You need not go to much trouble about the box for it is only a chance whether it would come or not but if you send it send by Adams Express and mark it well– Co. F, 63 Regt., N.Y. Vols ., Haris[s]ons Landing, Va. We have all got knapsacks and every thing we want of clothing since we came here I want you to b[u]y a good dress out of the $25 Dollars and if there is enough left let Mary and Aunt Mary have a dress out of it, that is providing you don’t need it for some other more needful want. I was over with Pat Eagen the other day I saw Tom they are both well, Lieutenant James Smith has returned to his Company he is doing duty though he is a little leam [lame]. I saw Barney Doherty a week ago he is well he sent his best wishes to you all. I hope none of the boys will take it in to their head to list for soldiering is not what it is cracked up to be. I sent a letter to Pat and one to Joe Larkin giving some account of fighting we went through during the week that we changed our position from Fair Oaks to James River, this is a nice place and we don’t have much to do but the we[a]ther is very hot. President Linco[l]n visited us last week he was received with great enthusiasm although the army when passing through McClellan and several other Generals we gave three Cheers for him, Genl McClellan said boys give 3 more for the old green flag, which was given in a style that must have astonished old Abe. Write as soon as you get the money give my best respects to all my friends and my love to Mary and my Aunt and to my Brothers. I conclude with my love to dear Mother in the warmest manner,

Your affectionate son,

John Doherty. (3)

Ayer's Pills were a popular medication for stomach complaints. This is a post Civil War advertisement for the product (East Carolina University DIgital Collections Image 12.1.23.13)

Ayer’s Pills were a popular medication for stomach complaints. This is a post Civil War advertisement for the product (East Carolina University DIgital Collections Image 12.1.23.13)

The Father Dillon referred to was James Dillon, the popular chaplain of the 63rd New York. It is not clear why Meagher had placed the priest under arrest, but John’s reference to a ‘drunken freak’ of General Meagher is interesting. Allegations of excessive drinking were often levelled at Meagher by his enemies, particularly with respect to his battlefield performance. The men of his Brigade never raised such combat-related concerns, and remained extremely loyal to their charismatic commander. However, references such as this (which suggests it may not have been an isolated ‘freak’) and comments on the General’s excessive drinking in private William McCarter’s memoirs do suggest that Meagher had a drink problem. The psychological strain Meagher would have been under from June 1862 onwards– when his Brigade was being exposed to heavy combat– may well have had an impact on his drinking habits. John also bore witness to Abraham Lincoln’s visit to the army at Harrison’s Landing on 8th July, when the President had arrived to meet with George B. McClellan, the army commander. McClellan was virtually idolised by the majority of the Irish Brigade. He was temporarily replaced as the Army of the Potomac’s commander by Lincoln following this visit. Pat and Tom Eagan both served in the 69th New York. Pat had enlisted aged 28 in 1861 and was discharged for disability in December 1862. Tom had been 31 when he enlisted in 1861; he was wounded at Antietam and discharged for disability in 1863. Lieutenant James Smith of the 69th had enlisted aged 27. He was wounded at Ream’s Station in 1864, and would eventually become Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment in 1865. John’s next letter was written at the start of August, with the Brigade still at Harrison’s Landing. (4)

Harrisons Landing August 1st/62

Dear Mother,

I received your letter of the 28th ulto. this morning, I am very glad that you so far recovered from your late illness as to be able to go to Brooklyn. I am glad that my sister and brothers and Aunt is well and I am well to[o] thanks be to God for this goodness to us. I got paid today 2 months pay, I sent you $25.oo by Adams Express Company. I would not have sent it today only that I got your letter and that you got the other without trouble. I wish you had not put yourself to so much [trouble] in sending a box for it is only a chance if I get it and I don’t think we well stop very long here, as we are under marching orders to be ready at a moments notice. Pat and Tom Egan is well I saw them twice since Sunday. I hope my friends in Brooklyn will excuse me for not writing as it is hard to get pens and ink here. As it is such a short time since I wrote to Mary I have nothing new so I will conclude with my love to you and to my brothers and sister and Aunt in the warmest manner,

Your affectionate son,

John Doherty. (5)

Members of the Irish Brigade at Harrison's Landing in 1862. The figure seated in the centre is Father James Dillon, who John Doherty discusses in his contemporary letters (Library of Congress)

Members of the Irish Brigade at Harrison’s Landing in 1862. The figure seated in the centre is Father James Dillon, who John Doherty discusses in his contemporary letters (Library of Congress)

The final letter in John’s file dates to 4th September and was written from Maryland. The Irish Brigade were among units being withdrawn from the Virginia Peninsula to respond to Confederate movements, which would eventually seen the Rebels score a victory at the Second Battle of Bull Run fought between 28th and 30th of August. The Second Corps and the Irish Brigade arrived too late to assist in the fighting, but did help to cover the retreat of John Pope’s defeated forces:

Tenally Town Md Sept 4th/62

Dear Mother,

I take this opportunity of writing to you to let you know that I enjoy good he[a]lth thanks be to God. I hope this will find you all enjoying good he[a]lth. I rec’d a letter from you before I left Harrisons Landing, I got one from Mary at Newport News and 6 newspapers and a letter two days ago at Centerville. I am glad that you are well, we have had a very hard time of it since we left Harrisons Landing on Saturday the 16th of August. The first day we marched 4 miles, the second we marched 20, the next 5, the next 10, the next 10, the next 21, the next 9. The we[a]ther was very hot and we were almost smothered with dust but the cheerful spirit of the Irish Brigade made the road seem short, the funny joke and merry laugh of the men at all times whether on the battlefield, on the march or in camp makes the Brigade the envy of the rest of the army– the[y] would go along in silence looking sad while the Irish men would be laughing and singing. I began to write a letter to you at Newport News but before I had written two lines the order was given to fall in and I sealed it up and sent it to you we took the boat to Aquia Creek, we went from there to Fredericksburgh, from there back to Aquia Creek, then to Alexandria from there to Camp California, from there back to Alexandria and on to the Chain Bridge above Washington. We were there about 2 hours when we were ordered to fall in again and marched to Centerville near Bull Run without resting, then back to Fairfax. There we were left to cover the retreat of the right wing of the army, the enemy began to shell us there but done us no harm and when all the army had passed we covered their retreat. We then marched back and crossed the Chain Bridge and are now half a day without haveing to march any. We are about 6 miles from Washington through all the marching and fitegues [fatigues] and hunger, for we were six days on two days rations. I have not missed a role call though sometimes there would not be one fourth of [the] company present after a long march. I was offered a s[e]argents place in Company G but I did not like officers and would not take it.

Those small articles that you mention in one of your letters I have them yet and wear them all the time indeed the[y] gave me a feeling of safety in the time of danger when the shells was bursting over us and the bullets flying thick around I felt perfectly safe.

You may do as you please with the money I sent you, send me 2 dollars in your next letter I can get anything I want here as cheap almost as at home, any New York bills is as good here as anything else. I saw Pat and Tom Eagan day before yesterday they are well I saw all the Turners on Monday they are well. Sister Mary’s letter of the 37th ult. gives more Strattonport news than all I got since I left. I shall write to her in a few days, I have not got the box you sent me nor don’t expect to.

Give my respect to all my friends and neighbours and my love to my Aunt and sister and brothers your loving son,

John Doherty

Direct Meaghers Irish Brigade Washington DC

McArdle has not been with us since we were at Fredericksburg. (6)

John’s descriptions of the marching and the straggling that resulted provide a good impression of the physical toll such manoeuvres took on the men, as well as the esprit-de-corps of the Irish Brigade. The ‘small articles’ that John’s mother mentioned are almost certainly scapulars, which were popular among Irish Catholic troops. The same day that John wrote this letter, advance elements of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia moved into Maryland. Within a couple of days the Army of the Potomac, and the Irish Brigade, moved to respond. It was a campaign that culminated less than two weeks after John’s letter on the Antietam battlefield– the bloodiest single day of American history. It was also the worst day of the war for the 63rd New York; they took a total of 202 casualties in front of the Sunken Road– nearly 37.5% of the Brigade’s total. You can see a visualisation of just how devastating Antietam was to the 63rd here. The McArdle who John writes of not having seen since Fredericksburg (presumably a result of straggling), 38-year-old Francis McArdle, was one of those casualties. He made it back to his unit in time to be mortally wounded at Antietam, dying at Frederick on 9th October 1862. Another victim of the costly assault was Corporal John Doherty. In the end his scapulars did not protect him; his promised letter to his sister Mary likely went unwritten, the two dollars his mother sent him unspent. Ann Doherty would outlive her son by more than three and a half decades, passing away on 13th November 1898. She is buried in Mount Saint Mary Cemetery in Flushing. (7)

Antietam Battlefield. The Confederates held the Sunken Lane to the left of the image, with the Irish Brigade advancing from right to left across the field. It was in the vicinity of this field that John Conway died (Damian Shiels)

Antietam Battlefield. The Confederates held the Sunken Lane to the left of the image, with the Irish Brigade advancing from right to left across the field. It was in the vicinity of this field that John Doherty died (Damian Shiels)

*Punctuation and grammatical formatting has been added to the original letter for ease of reading. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) John Dougherty Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (2) Ibid., 1860 Federal Census (the family are erroneously listed under ‘Dchartz’ on ancestry.com), New York Adjutant General 1902a: 42; (3) John Dougherty Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (4) New York Adjutant General 1902b: 104, 105, 324; (5) John Dougherty Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (6) Ibid.; (7) Ibid.; Official Records: 192, New York Adjutant General 1902a: 112;

References & Further Reading

John Dougherty Dependent Mother Pension File WC 93207.

1860 U.S. Federal Census.

New York Adjutant General 1901a. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901 (Registers Sixty-Third New York Infantry).

New York Adjutant General 1901b. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901 (Registers Sixty-Ninth New York Infantry).

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 19, Part 1. Returns of Casualties in Union Forces.

East Carolina University Digital Collections.

Civil War Trust Battle of Antietam Page.

The Battle of Antietam on the Web.

Antietam National Battlefield.


Filed under: 63rd New York, Battle of Antietam, Irish Brigade, New York Tagged: 63rd New York Infantry, Irish American Civil War, Irish at Antietam, Irish Brigade Antietam, Irish Brigade Peninsula, Last Letters Irish Soldier, Long Island Irish, New York Irish

‘Goodbye For A While’: An Irish Soldier’s Last Letter Home, Found on his Dead Body at Cold Harbor

$
0
0

On the 8th June 1864 Captain Dexter Ludden and his men from the 8th New York Heavy Artillery were picking their way through corpses. They had been assigned the unpleasant task of burying some of the many, many dead who had fallen assaulting the Confederate works at Cold Harbor. By then the bodies they were interring– who were from their own brigade– had lain on the field for five days. As they went about their gruesome work, Ludden’s soldiers checked each of the bodies for anything that might identify them. Turning over one of the lifeless forms, they hunted through the dead man’s pockets. Finding two scraps of paper inside, the burial party alerted the officer to their discovery. Reading through them, Captain Ludden recognised the papers as a hastily penned letter, written by the dead man before the assault. Later, Ludden sat down to sketch a few brief words of his own to add to them, before sending what amounted to the dead soldier’s last words on their way to New York. (1)

Surviving Confederate earthworks at Cold Harbor (Damian Shiels)

Surviving Confederate earthworks at Cold Harbor (Damian Shiels)

This is what Dexter Ludden wrote on the back of one of the pieces of paper recovered from the body:

Battlefield 7 miles from Richmond Va

June 8 1864

Madam,

This was cut from the pocket of a man I had buried last eve– he was killed– June 3d 1864– & buried on the spot where he fell.

The place was marked by a cut on a tree where his head lies by Sergt Ewell of my company.

Yours Truly

S. Dexter Ludden

Capt 8 NY Arty

Miss Mary McNamara

Buffalo NY (2)

The body that Dexter Ludden and his men had buried was that of Irishman Hubert McNamara, a private in the 155th New York Infantry, Corcoran’s Irish Legion. Hubert had enlisted in Buffalo on 28th August 1862, when he was 34 years old. Before becoming a soldier, Hubert had supported his wife Mary and three children by working as a cartman. He was described as 5 feet 6 inches in height, with hazel eyes, brown hair and a light complexion. Hubert had married Mary Donovan on 2nd January 1859, but that had not been his first marriage. Hubert’s first wife Margaret (e McGrath) had passed away in Hudson, New York on 26th January 1855, leaving Hubert to support their three year old daughter Maria alone until his remarriage. By 1864, Mary had borne Hubert two more children at their home on Exchange Street; Thomas, who arrived on 30th November 1859 and Maria, born on 6th May 1852– his youngest daughter was only a month past her second birthday when her father met his death. (3)

By 2nd June 1864, the day Hubert wrote his last letter, Corcoran’s Irish Legion had been with the Army of the Potomac for less than a month. By the standards of many other brigades, the first 18 months of the Legion’s service had been relatively quiet. That had all changed in May 1864, when they joined up with the Army of the Potomac at Spotsylvania. In the days following, the Irishmen had to become accustomed to almost constant combat– and ever mounting casualties. It was in this context that Hubert penned the few words to his wife on 2nd June. He was aware when he wrote them that he was going to be involved in an assault on the Rebel works the following day. Given the strength of the enemy’s position, many of his unit would have been apprehensive about what lay ahead. The 155th was brought into battle at Cold Harbor by Captain Michael Doran. As he dressed his men’s lines for the advance, they were temporarily shielded from fire behind a slight ridge. When they moved forward beyond this cover they could see the main Confederate line some 150 yards away, but they would never reach it. A storm of fire erupted from the Rebel position. One member of the regiment recalled how the ‘balls commenced literally to mow us down,’ while another said of the attack that ‘it was murder, not war.’ The Irishmen never stood a chance; by the time they got to within fifty yards of the enemy position the charge was halted, and was soon forced back. The slaughter cost the 155th some 130 casualties, almost half their number. Unfortunately Hubert was one of those to fall, with the newly written letter to his family unsent in his pocket. (4)

The sheets of paper recovered from Hubert’s body were included by his widow in her pension application, in order to prove both Hubert’s death and her relationship with him. They are transcribed below for the first time and labeled as Sheet 1 Obverse?, Sheet 1 Reverse? and Sheet 2 Obverse. It is written in faded pencil which, together with their exposure on the battlefield with Hubert’s body, makes transcription difficult. They are reproduced below as Sheet 1 and Sheet 2, with the original transcription accompanied by an edited version for modern readers. (5)

Location where 8th New York Heavy Artillery attacked at Cold Harbor. The 155th New York assaulted the Confederate position advancing to the left of this regiment. Some of the 8th would later bury Hubert McNamara (Damian Shiels)

Location where 8th New York Heavy Artillery attacked at Cold Harbor. The 155th New York assaulted the Confederate position advancing to the left of this regiment. Some of the 8th would later bury Hubert McNamara (Damian Shiels)

Original

[Sheet 1 Obverse?]

…almigty god that we will soon get tru with them I all right soe far thank be tow the almighty god for his merci [illegible] possible [?] to I am [ad] dressing you with a few lines hope tow find you and the children in good helth as the departure thes few lines leves mee me in at present thank be to the almighty god for his to me we are fighting with rebble for last 10 days and we have drove them for as much 30 miles but there is grete many of our men kild and wonded but the purty well sourrounded in the [?]

[Sheet 1 Reverse?]

Jun the 2 1864

Camp of the armi of the portommack 7 miles from Richmond mi Dear wife and children I take the favorable opportunitie [?] [illegible] tell what moment I wold get kild or wonded but I trus in god for his mercis tow me there is afful fight ing going on her we ar fight ing knight and fight ing day my Dear wife an children there is no thing more that I can let you know now it I have now time

[Sheet 2 Obverse]

it is verry hard tow get paper or ink any thing els her John Dempsey is well and alsoe michael lawler is I wish that you wold tell his wife there is no thing more my Dear wife and children that I think soe good bie for afile

now more at present from youre afectionate husband Hubert Mc Namara 2 Corps 2 Divison 4 brigade Co I 155

armi of the portom mac

good bie write soon (6)

The last words written by Hubert McNamara, hours before his death at the Battle of Cold Harbor (National Archives/Fold3)

The last words written by Hubert McNamara, hours before his death at the Battle of Cold Harbor (National Archives/Fold3)

Edited

[Sheet 1 Obverse?]

…almighty God that we will soon get through with them. I [am] alright so far thanks be to the almighty God for his mercy [illegible] possible to, I am addressing you with a few lines. I hope to find you and the children in good health as the departure [of] these few lines leaves me in at present thanks be to the almighty God for his [mercy] to me. We are fighting with [the] Rebels for [the] last 10 days and we have drove them for as much [as] 30 miles, but there is [a] great many of our men killed and wounded but they [are] pretty well surrounded in the [?]

[Sheet 1 Reverse?]

June the 2nd 1864

Camp of the Army of the Potomac 7 miles from Richmond. Dear wife and children, I take the favourable opportunity [illegible] tell what moment I would get killed or wounded, but I trust in God for his mercy to me. There is awful fighting going on here, we are fighting night and fighting day. Dear wife and children there is nothing more that I can let you know now I have no time.

[Sheet 2 Obverse]

It is very hard to get paper or ink [or] anything else here. John Dempsey is well and also Michael Lawler is, I wish that you would tell his wife. There is nothing more my dear wife and children then I think, so goodbye for a while. No more at present from your affectionate husband Hubert McNamara, 2nd Corps, 2nd Division, 4th Brigade, Company I, 155th New York, Army of the Potomac. Goodbye write soon. (7)

The precise order in which Hubert’s letter was intended to be read is not clear from the separate pages. I have interpreted their order as presented above based on content. I believe that the first page (Sheet 1 Obverse?) was part of a letter Hubert may have been writing previous to his arrival at Cold Harbor. In it he refers to fighting the Rebels for the ‘last 10 days’ which would place it around the 28th May. I suspect he may have then found himself in front of the works at Cold Harbor and, realising that he was about to go into action, abandoned his previous letter to jot down a few words in the event of his death. If this is the case then it makes the letter all the more poignant. The section titled ‘Sheet 2 Obverse’ may have also been written at Cold Harbor, though that is not clear. Captain Ludden wrote his note to Hubert’s wife on the back of this page. Of those comrades mentioned in Hubert’s correspondence, Cold Harbor was also Michael Lawler’s last battle. He was mortally wounded, leaving behind a wife and four children. John Dempsey seems to have also been wounded at Cold Harbor, but ultimately recovered. Hubert’s wife Mary lived a long life after her husband’s death, remaining a widow for more than half a century. The elderly Irishwoman passed away at the Holy Family Home in Williamsville, New York on 2nd September 1916. (8)

Cold Harbor National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Cold Harbor National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) McNamara Widow’s Pension File; (2) Ibid. (3) Ibid., 1860 U.S. Census, New York Adjutant General: 1323; (4) Rhea 2007: 335; (5) McNamara Widow’s Pension File; (6) Ibid.; (7) Ibid.; (8) Ibid.;

References & Further Reading

Hubert McNamara Widow’s Pension File WC76801.

Michael Lawler Widow’s Pension File WC46766.

1860 U.S. Federal Census.

New York Adjutant General Roster of the 155th New York Infantry.

Rhea 2007. Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee May 26– June 3, 1864.

Richmond National Military Park.

Civil War Trust Battle of Cold Harbor Page.


Filed under: 155th New York, Battle of Cold Harbor, Corcoran's Irish Legion, New York Tagged: 155th New York Infantry, Battle of Cold Harbor, Corcoran's Irish Legion, Irish American Civil War, Irish in Buffalo, New York Irish, Soldiers Last Letter, Widow's Pension Files

‘His Death is an Uncertainty:’ Two Irish Women Search for Missing Husbands after Second Bull Run

$
0
0

As I am currently on a few days leave I have been taking the opportunity to catch-up on some reading. A book I am particularly enjoying is John J. Hennessy’s Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas. I was struck by the savage intensity of much of the fighting on 29th August, 1862, when a series of un-coordinated Federal attacks against Jackson’s Confederates resulted in severe casualties. Hennessy vividly describes the see-saw fighting across the woods and unfinished railway cut on this part of the battlefield, as isolated Union assaults often met with initial success, only to be thrown violently back by determined Rebel defenders. The fighting, some of which was hand-to-hand, left large numbers of dead and wounded scattered about the field. I never read such descriptions without thinking about the impact such horrors had on individuals and their families. The confused, intensive nature of the battle on 29th August, coupled with the fact that the victorious Confederates held the field afterwards, meant that many Union men simply disappeared that day. With no corpse as proof of death, what did this mean for the families– were they dead? injured? captured? What did it mean for those in search of a pension? I decided to take a look at a couple of their stories in an effort to find out.

The fighting at Second Bull Run by Edwin Forbes (Library of Congress)

The fighting at Second Bull Run by Edwin Forbes (Library of Congress)

At around 3pm on 29th August, 1862, Brigadier-General Cuvier Grover led an attack towards the enemy on the Bull Run battlefield. Bursting from the woods in front of the Rebel position, his men successfully overran the railway cut, grappling for its possession in a “hand-to-hand melee with bayonets and clubbed muskets.” In so doing Grover’s brigade had driven a dangerous wedge into the Confederate line. They pressed forward, but crucially were left unsupported. The Rebels eventually counter-attacked, with blistering fire seeing “men dropped in scores, writhing and trying to crawl back, or lying immovable and stone-dead where they fell.” Despite incredible effort, after 30 minutes the press of Southern infantry finally forced Grover’s men back, exposing them to yet more galling fire. One recalled that as his regiment “recrossed the railroad bank, they were exposed to a murderous fire from each flank, to say nothing of the very bad language used by the rebels in calling upon them to stop.” One of the men who made the attack that day was Private James Moran of Company B, 11th Massachusetts Infantry. The 11th were Grover’s left-hand unit, and took 112 casualties on 29th August. Was 33-year-old Irishman James Moran one of them? (1)

Danvers currier James Moran had marched off to war a little over eight months before Second Bull Run. He had married Ellen Coughlin on 9th May 1853 at the Church of the Immaculate Conception in Salem. They had three living children in August 1862; Michael (b. 22nd July 1859), Ellen (b. 14th January 1861) and James (b. 9th June 1862). James was less than 3 months old the day his father disappeared. The Irish woman knew only that her husband was gone. Her initial efforts to reveal what became of him uncovered little, as this response to one inquiry demonstrates:

Head Quarters 11th Regt. Mass Vols

Sept 13th 1862

Mrs. Moran,

I am unable to give you much information in regard to your husband James Moran. He went in to the fight, Friday Aug 29th and has not since been heard from. If I can get any information in regard to him I shall be glad to impart it to you.

Yours truly,

R.E. Jameson. (2)

Although the balance of probability suggested James Moran may be dead, without sufficient proof Ellen Moran could secure neither closure or a pension. Eventually her agent managed to contact James’s company commander Captain Walter Smith. His reply in March, 1863 seemed to confirm her worst fears:

Capt. W.N. Smith

Head Quarters Co B

11th Regt Mass Vols

March 1st 1863

Mr. A.A. Putnam

Dear Sir,

Your communication in regard to the death of Private James Moran of my company has been received & I hasten to answer it. The facts in the case are these. On the 29th of August last Private Moran with the rest of my command went into the charge on that day in which this Regt., Company, & Brigade suffered most severely. He never came out of the woods with us nor has he ever been heard of since. His death is an uncertainty and I would not wound the feelings of his family by stating such to be the fact though it is too probable. I very much fear he was reported on the list of dead for the muster and pay rolls of my company…it is more than probable then he with others were killed on that fatal day. He was a brave and willing soldier who always did his whole duty and if dead he died as a soldier & a patriot facing his country’s foes. He has been dropped from my rolls since the day of his death (supposed) ample time having been given him to report. 

Yours with compassion for his family,

Walter N. Smith

Capt. 11th Mass Vols

Com’dg Co B

P.S. Anything further I can do let me know and I will do it. 

W.N.S. (3)

Ellen appears to have never got any further details with respect to her husband’s final moments. He simply never re-emerged from the battlefield of Second Bull Run. Eventually the likelihood of his death was accepted, and on 24th May 1864 her widow’s pension was approved. (4)

A Soldier of the 11th Massachusetts (Library of Congress)

A Soldier of the 11th Massachusetts (Library of Congress)

At around 5pm on 29th August 1862– a couple of hours after James Moran’s ordeal– another of the isolated Federal attacks that typified the day was launched under the guidance of Major-General Phil Kearny. The 101st New York Infantry of Brigadier-General David Birney’s brigade were among the troops who supported this attack. Forming in line on the left of the 40th New York, the 101st tramped towards the Rebels, with one remembering that “the ground was literally covered with dead bodies, there being one every few feet and sometimes two or three together.” Driving the Rebel skirmishers back through the woods, the New Yorkers were joined by the 4th Maine as they closed in on the railroad cut. The blueclad infantry unleashed a curtain of fire at the enemy from thirty yards out, charged, and put the enemy to flight. Victory seemed within their grasp as they pressed forward, but as before a Confederate counter-attack eventually proved decisive. After 45 minutes of fighting they had to fall back, retracing their steps over ground so dearly won. By the end of the fighting, the 40th and 101st New York between them could muster only 250 men. Irishman Edward Sweeny, who had gone into the action as a private in Company A of the 101st, was not one of them. Though it was known he had been wounded, no-one seemed to have any idea what became of him. (5)

Catherine Dwyer had been no more than 17-years-old when she married labourer and fellow Irish emigrant Edward Sweeny. He was 15 years Catherine’s senior when the couple were wed in the Catholic Church of Owego, New York on 22nd August 1851. The 1860 Census recorded them living there with their children Michael (8), Edward (4), John (2), Sarah (3 months) and Dan (3 months). Sometime between the census and the Second Battle of Bull Run baby Dan appears to have died. As with Ellen Moran, following the battle Catherine was left with the arduous task of attempting to discover her husband’s fate before she could seek financial aid for her family. Appointing an agent to assist her, their first port of call was the surgeon responsible for the records of the 101st New York, who was contacted via the Sanitary Commission. But the 101st had lost so many men by 1863 that it had to be consolidated, and so the man who wrote back on 26th March was the surgeon of the 37th New York. This is what he had to say:

Edward Sweeny is reported by his comrades and on the regimental books as wounded at the Battle of Groveton near Manassas Plains on the 29th August 1862. Said to have been wounded in the head (the missile fracturing the skull), in the wrist and body (part unknown). My information states that the surgeon who attended him on the field had no hope of his recovery. Informant also states that he saw him at the same time and place (the general depot on the field– a large farm house right in rear of the scene of the engagement) and found him very low. Further information may be offered from Dr. D.B. Van Slyke Oswego N.Y. then surgeon of the 101st Regt since mustered out with the other officers, in consequence of the consolidation with the 37 N.Y. Inf.

I am almost satisfied that Sweeny died on the field, where he was buried subsequently “without note or comment.” Records were not kept at all, I strongly suspect, owing to the lack of system & the dire confusion prevailing at the time. 

As far as my own notes go, they are confined to those cases in the hospital at Centreville where I had charge of 3 or 4 wards containing about 80 sick and wounded– a list of whom I furnished at the time to Med. Inspector…also the names of those who died, as far as I could learn. Some were moribund, but in one or two instances I obtained the desired information from letters or pocket books found on their persons. 

William O’Meagher

Surgeon 37 NY Rifles (6)

Despite the near certainty that Edward was dead, Catherine needed more proof is she was to get a pension. Taking O’Meagher’s advice, they wrote to Surgeon Van Slyck, though with little result:

Syracuse Apr 21st 1863

Dr Sir,

Yours of the 14th is rec’d & in reply I can only say that Sweeny was reported in the regt as dead on the field. I did not see him after the battle & have heard nothing from him since. If by any possibility he was saved & reached a hospital you can learn of it by writing to the Office of the Sanitary Commission, Washington D.C. 

Yours Respectfully

D.B. Van Slyck (7)

Union soldiers find remains of their comrades on the Second Bull Run battlefield, 1863 by Edwin Forbes (Library of Congress)

Union soldiers find remains of their comrades on the Second Bull Run battlefield, 1863 by Edwin Forbes (Library of Congress)

Of course they had already been in touch with the sanitary commission, so the search for further information continued. 1863 came and went without resolution. By 1864 they were in touch with J.W. Egan, of the 40th New York, with whom the 101st were by then consolidated. Again their queries produced few results:

H.Q. 3rd Brigade 1st Div., 3d Corps

Camp near Brandy Station, Va.,

March 5, 1864

Dear Sir,

Enclosed please find the best certificates procurable, after thorough examination [these state only that Edward had been wounded]. Mr. Sweeny, though mortally wounded, must have died in rebel hands- no man in the 40th saw him die. 

The 101st was not then consolidated with my command, & consequently I had no control over its records. It also passed through one consolidation (with the 37th N.Y.) previously, & after the Battle of Manassas.

You now require a surgeon’s certificate or that of someone who saw him die. But this is not necessary if his officers in the 101st have done their duty, and filed his “final statement” in the office of the Adjutant General.

Can you not ascertain who was his company commander in the 101st? He must live in your vicinity, & is the person to give you a certificate.

Truly yours,

J.W. Egan

Col. 40th N.Y.S.V.

Comdg Brigade (8)

Efforts now turned to tracking down Edward’s former Company commander, Captain William C. Allen, as had been suggested. But again, the sheer toll the Second Battle of Bull Run had taken on the 101st New York impeded their efforts, for Allen had himself suffered a wound on 29th August that brought an end to his military service. He wrote the following in May 1864:

63 Bleecker St

New York 28th May 1864

Owego N.Y.

Sir,

Yours of Apl 28th has just come to hand remaining in the P.O. until ad-returned. As regards Sweeny I am sorry to say I have no way of knowing anything more than that he was reported wounded & never been heard from since. I was wounded on the same day & never had command of my Company afterward, however I will try & find my former orderly & perhaps he may know something in regard to Sweeny’s fate.

Respy yours,

W.C. Allen. (9)

There is nothing more on file with respect to the search for information about Edward Sweeny’s fate. Unfortunately for Catherine, she also accidentally provided some incorrect information about one of her children’s birthdates which slowed pension approval still further. Seemingly accepting that Edward must have died and been buried on the field at Bull Run, she was eventually granted a pension in January 1865, nearly 2 and a half years after her husband’s death. The experiences of women like Catherine Sweeny and Ellen Moran demonstrate that who held the field at battle’s end often had wider ramifications than just military pride or tactical advantage. For those who had the misfortune to have “missing” husbands as a result of Federal reversals, it meant the battle would live on for many months or even years into the future, as they sought the answers needed to not only learn their loved ones fate, but also to secure their own financial security. (10)

Clara Barton's Missing Soldiers Office, Washington DC. She helped many families learn the fate of their loved ones following the Civil War, but unfortunately Alexander Scarff's parents were not among them. (Photo by E.L. Malvaney)

Clara Barton’s Missing Soldiers Office, Washington DC. She helped many families learn the fate of their loved ones following the Civil War. (Photo by E.L. Malvaney)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Hennessy 1999: 251, 253-4, 256, 257, James Moran Widow’s Pension File; (2)  Massachusetts AG 1931: 751, James Moran Widow’s Pension File, 1860 Census; (3) James Moran Widow’s Pension File; (4) Ibid.; (5) Hennessy 1999: 276, 277-8, 284 (6) Edward Sweeny Widow’s Pension File; (7) Ibid.; (8) Ibid.; (9) Ibid.; (10) Ibid.; 

References & Further Reading

1860 US Federal Census.

James Moran Widow’s Pension File WC23725.

Edward Sweeny Widow’s Pension File WC39109.

Hennessy, John J. 1999. Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas.

Massachusetts Adjutant General, 1931. Massachusetts Soldiers, Sailors and Marines in the Civil WarVolume 1.

Manassas National Battlefield Park.

Civil War Trust Second Manassas Page.


Filed under: Battle of Second Bull Run, Massachusetts, New York Tagged: 101st New York Infantry, 11th Massachusetts Infantry, Civil War Widow's Pension, Irish American Civil War, Irish in Massachusetts, Irish in New York, Missing Soldiers Civil War, Second Bull Run

Book Review: Patrick Henry Jones, Irish American, Civil War General and Gilded Age Politician

$
0
0

In September 2011 I had the great pleasure of meeting Mark Dunkelman and his wife Annette in Cork, Ireland. Many readers will be aware of Mark’s exceptional and inspiring work on the 154th New York Infantry, which is surely unsurpassed by any other regimental scholar of the Civil War. Mark’s incredible grasp of the history of the unit and it’s men has allowed him to repeatedly bring readers beyond purely narrative military history, exploring wider aspects of service such as motivation, morale and memory. I have personally found many of the themes elucidated by Mark highly influential in my own approach to examining the Irish experience of the conflict. To date, his publications on the 154th have included The Hardtack Regiment: An Illustrated History of the 154th Regiment New York State Volunteers (with Michael Winey), Gettysburg’s Unknown Soldier: The Life, Death and Celebrity of Amos HumistonBrothers One and All: Esprit de Corps in a Civil War Regiment, War’s Relentless Hand: Twelve Tales of Civil War Soldiers, and Marching with Sherman: Through Georgia and the Carolinas with the 154th New York. If you are interested in discovering the types of historical examination that are possible at the regimental level, then these works are a must. It was the continuation of such efforts that took Mark and Annette to Ireland in 2011. It was a visit that led to not only an extremely enjoyable night in Cork City, but has, I am pleased to say, also now resulted in another addition to Mark’s corpus on the 154th New York. This latest publication is of special significance for those interested in the Irish experience, as it has as its focus the one-time Colonel of the regiment, Westmeath man Patrick Henry Jones.

Patrick Henry Jones: Irish American, Civil War General and Gilded Age Politician by Mark H. Dunkelman

Patrick Henry Jones: Irish American, Civil War General and Gilded Age Politician by Mark H. Dunkelman

It is often remarked that there has been more written about the Irish experience of the American Civil War than on any other ethnic group, a statement which is undoubtedly true. However, there remains– to my mind at least– many aspects of the Irish experience that still warrant significant attention. The concentration of effort has largely been focused on military histories of the Irish Brigade, or on certain famed Irish individuals of the era, such as Thomas Francis Meagher and Patrick Cleburne. This is of course an issue that is consistently being addressed, notably by academic scholars in the United States and Britain who are widening our understanding of the Irish experience significantly. Despite this, there is much to be done. As yet (and somewhat surprisingly) we have no history of the Irish Brigade which comprehensively examines that unit’s story beyond its battlefield experiences. We have no history at all of Corcoran’s Irish Legion; little work has been carried out on the overwhelming majority of Irish who served in non-ethnic units; virtually nothing has been done on the Irish in Union Navy, where 1 in 5 Jack Tars were of Irish birth. Another area which would benefit from more attention are examinations of Irishmen who rose to senior rank. Outside of the likes of Meagher and Cleburne, such works are rare (though not wholly absent- for a comprehensive listing see the Biography section on the Books page here). For example, Michael Corcoran has never been the subject of a biography, nor has Thomas Alfred Smyth, regarded as the most effective Union Irish General of the war (though a book on Smyth is in preparation). It is in this context that Patrick Henry Jones: Irish American, Civil War General and Gilded Age Politician has arrived, and it is an exemplar of the potential value of such avenues of research.

Anyone familiar with Mark Dunkelman’s approach to history will not be disappointed with this book. As should be the case, the biography examines Jones’s life in full, placing the Irishman’s Civil War service in the context of his life experience. The first chapter deals with the family story around Clonmellon, Co. Westmeath, where Patrick was born on 18th November 1830, and the circumstances which led the family to emigrate to New York. It was here that Patrick would begin his long-standing connection with Cattaraugus County, a connection that ultimately led him to command of the 154th New York. But much was to happen prior to this.

Upon reaching adulthood, Patrick Henry Jones spent much of the pre-war years working as a journalist for papers such as the Cattaraugus Republican, the Buffalo Republic and the Buffalo Sentinel before eventually settling on a career in the law. On the face of things, Patrick’s ante-bellum career path provides an example of just how far an Irish emigrant could rise in the United States. However, his family experience was significantly more nuanced than this. In fact, the Jones’s faced significant Know-Nothing prejudice in 1850s Cattaraugus, which would ultimately split the family. It led Patrick’s parents and siblings to depart for new prospects in Garryowen, Iowa, an undertaking which is explored is some detail in Dunkelman’s book. In so doing, Patrick was left alone to forge his future in New York, something which he did with ever increasing success. Defying the potential handicap of his origins, he became a mainstay of his local community in Ellicottville, where he combined his professional work with an increased social profile. Then came 1861, and war.

Of the book’s 11 chapters, two are taken up with Jones’s life in Union blue. This began in 1861 as a Second Lieutenant in the Allegany Chamberlain Guards, which by happenstance would end up becoming a part of the 37th New York Infantry, the ‘Irish Rifles’, although Jones’s company was made up of Cattaraugus County men. The sometimes difficult dynamic between the Allegany soldiers and the Irishmen is a fascinating aspect of what followed; one imagines such tensions would have been trying for Jones. The Cattaraugus troops also disliked their ineffective Colonel, John McCunn, an Irishman inculcated in the corruption of Tammany Hall, and a man who one soldier described as “graceless, godless, unmitigated, forward and backward, blarneying, duplicity-dealing McCunn.” The difficulties among elements of the regiment’s leadership in the war’s early days are well assessed by Dunkelman; they would eventually lead to the demise of McCunn and his removal from command. His replacement was the competent regular Samuel Hayman, under whose tutelage Jones military career began to flourish. Patrick Henry Jones’s performance would eventually see him rise to the Colonelcy of the 154th New York Infantry in late 1862, a regiment composed of eight Cattaraugus county and two Chautauqua county companies. It was a further mark of the Irishman’s position within his local New York community. The regiment formed part of the 11th Corps, which had trying times ahead at Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. Jones missed the clash in Pennsylvania due to being wounded and taken prisoner on the former battlefield. When he returned to his men in late November 1863 they had moved to the Western Theater, and it was in the West during 1864 that Jones would do much sterling service commanding one of Sherman’s brigades, service which would eventually see his promotion to Brigadier-General in 1865.

Dunkelman charts the ups and downs of Jones military career in detail, but for me the most impressive aspects of this book are the chapters that follow 1865, as we discover how self-made Irishmen like Jones could seek to advance their careers in the Gilded Age political arena. Although like most Irishmen he started out as a Democrat, Jones was one of a relative minority among his countrymen who switched allegiance to the Republican party. Jones moved to New York city, and was there selected as the 1865 Republican candidate for Clerk of the Court of Appeals. Such was Jones’s popularity that many of his normally Democratic inclined fellow Irish supported him. The cut-throat political world of patronage and corruption that was the hallmark of New York politics and which Jones sought to navigate are the focus of the subsequent chapters, which effectively chart Jones rise and fall. During his political career the Westmeath native would enjoy much success, which included taking over Charles Graham Halpine’s term as Register and establishing close connections with noted men of the era, such as Horace Greeley. In 1869 President Grant demonstrated just how far Jones had come when he nominated him Postmaster of New York, a position of immense influence, particularly with respect to patronage.

The book not only seeks to demonstrate how Jones navigated the politics of the age, but in the important chapters Irishman and Veteran and Miles O’Reilly’s Halo it examines Jones position as a member of the Irish-American community of New York, as a veteran of the Civil War, and as a bridge to Irish-American support for the Republican party. As someone who for many years pinned his colours to the Republican mast, as opposed to Tammany Hall, these chapters provide a particularly useful insight for those interested in this aspect of the New York Irish experience. It is here we learn of Jones’s efforts to remember Daniel O’Connell, his public interactions with the Fenian movement, his efforts to support Irish cultural events, his support of the New York Roman Catholic Orphan Asylum, and of is role as President of the Irish-American Savings Bank. As has been discussed on this site before, the use of the Irish Brigade’s history as a mechanism for the Irish-American community to demonstrate their contribution to the Civil War and Union was a central facet of how the Irish in the north chose to remember the conflict. Despite never serving with the Brigade, Jones recognised this importance, becoming one of the incorporators of the Irish Brigade Association. These two chapters alone are worth the price of the book for anyone interested in the Irish of New York, particularly given Jones position– navigating as he did his roles as an American, an Irish-American, a Cattaraugus county man and a long-time Republican.

Throughout this book one is increasingly impressed with the character of Patrick Henry Jones, who comes across a likeable, honest and hard-working individual. The final chapters deal with Jones’s gradual embroilment in both financial setbacks and scandals, as well as the bizarre circumstances surrounding his ultimate political decline. The latter centred around his unwished for involvement in one of the most notorious crimes of Gilded-Age New York, namely the 1878 theft by grave-robbers of the body of Alexander T. Stewart, who had been an exceptionally successful Irish-American entrepreneur. A media-frenzy was created when news broke of the removal of the body. It was the misfortune of Patrick Henry Jones to be the man that the body-snatchers wrote to as they sought to receive a ransom for the return of the remains. Although clearly keen not to be involved, Jones felt duty-bound to aid in the recovery in any way he could. Unfortunately his reputation would be forever tainted as a result, with allegations that he was acting as a willing agent of the grave-robbers rather than a reluctant intermediary gaining traction. His connection to the case would dog him for the rest of his days.

Patrick Henry Jones returned to the Democratic party in 1880, but he would never again hold major political office. He maintained his law offices and eventually moved to Staten Island. His final years were characterised by ill-health, financial difficulties and an alcohol problem. A friend visiting in 1888 noted that he was “generous, kind-hearted, and gentle and brave, he was a noble and specimen of a true man– whiskey destroyed him prematurely.” Jones suffered a stroke in 1898 and ultimately died of heart failure of 23rd July 1900, leaving behind a poverty-stricken widow. It proved a sad end for a man who had achieved so much.

Mark Dunkelman’s biography of Patrick Henry Jones has helped to rescue this significant 19th century Irish-American figure from obscurity. The book is a must-read for anyone interested in the Irish-American community of New York or the Irish experience in America generally. I was honoured to be asked to read a preview copy of Mark’s book prior to publication, and to provide my thoughts on it for the dust jacket. Those thoughts succinctly demonstrate my views on the work:

“Mark H. Dunkelman’s Patrick Henry Jones: Irish American, Civil War General, and Gilded Age Politician is an important addition to the body of work on Irish Americans in the Civil War era. Outside of the most celebrated figures, biographies of significant Irish-born leaders who participated in the conflict are relatively sparse, making this study all the more valuable. The author expertly charts the rise and fall of Jones from his native Ireland through his life in America, as he sought to steer a path through the challenges, opportunities, and pitfalls presented to him by the Civil War and subsequently by New York City’s Gilded Age political scene. What emerges is a picture of a likeable, hard-working man, who was ultimately undone by a series of financial setbacks and an unwished-for association with a bizarre grave-robbing scandal. This book takes the reader far beyond Patrick Henry Jones the Civil War brigadier general, placing his service in the broader context of a life filled with accomplishment and, ultimately, disappointment. Dunkelman’s book is an exemplary work, demonstrating the historical dividends that the detailed biographical examination of Irish American figures such as Jones can bring.” 

This is an excellent book– buy it! (you can do so here).

*I am grateful to Louisiana State University Press for providing a review copy of this book.

References

Dunkelman, Mark H. 2015. Patrick Henry Jones: Irish American, Civil War General and Gilded Age Politician. 288 pp.


Filed under: Book Review, New York, Westmeath Tagged: 154th New York Infantry, Gilded Age New York, Irish American Civil War, Irish Cattaraugus County, Irish in New York, Irish in Republican Party, Irish-American Politicans, Patrick Henry Jones

Tired of the Killing of Men: An Irish Family’s Story of Assisted Emigration, Missing Children & Letters Under Fire

$
0
0

The nature of the Widow’s and Dependent’s Pension Files means that the stories they tell are most usually ones of sorrow. The experiences they relate generally pertain specifically to the Civil War, but on occasions the information within them can be combined with a range of other sources to provide a much wider picture of one family’s 19th century emigrant experience. The file relating to the Carr family is a remarkable case in point, charting as it does their journey from poverty in Ulster to a life of hardship and separation in 1850s New York. It is a story that continues into the American Civil War, as an Irish soldier fights not only to reunite the Union, but also for the right to be reunited with his family. It then carries into the post-war period, as the family tried to forge a new life in the ‘Gateway to the West.’ If  you read no other part of this post, read the transcribed letter dated 20th June 1864. Written under fire in Georgia, it is a striking expression of weariness– and hope– imparting something of what it must have been like to have endured the horrors of the Atlanta Campaign.

On 18th August 1860 the following advertisement ran in the ‘Information Wanted’ section of the Boston Pilot:

INFORMATION WANTED OF BERNARD (or Barney) CARR, who left Ireland and landed in New York in 1851, with his mother and her children. Being unable to support them she was obliged to send three of the boys to Ward’s Island, from which place a person named Fenton Goss, from New Jersey, took one of the boys (Bernard, or Barney) to West Liberty, Logan county, Ohio. The unfortunate and disconsolate mother, who is now in certain circumstances, offers a reward of $20 to any person who can give her any information of her son Bernard Carr. Address Mrs. Ann Carr, Walton, Delaware county, N.Y. (1)

Underground lodgings for the poor of New York around 1869. Many people who ultimately ended up in Poor Houses would have been familiar with such scenes (Library of Congress)

Underground lodgings for the poor of New York around 1869. (Library of Congress)

There are hundreds of ads like this scattered across newspapers like the New York Irish-American and the Boston Pilot. They often provide tantalising glimpses into the hardships experienced by many Irish emigrants, but in reading them, we are often left with more questions than answers. Where in Ireland had they come from? Why had they emigrated? Was the advertisement successful? What became of them afterwards? Remarkably, in the case of Ann Carr and her son Barney, we are in a position to answer all of these questions. This has only been possible following analysis of a range of sources, and thanks to the efforts of followers of the site’s Facebook page and Twitter stream. For the first time we can give voice to the Carr family, representatives of Ireland’s poorest emigrant class, and hear from Ann and Barney in their own words.

The starting point for our investigation is an Irish place-name, phonetically transcribed in 1865 by a clerk in Hudson, New York. As he listened to Ann Carr recount details of her family’s past, the clerk did his best to capture where he thought Ann was from. This manifested itself in his notes as the word ‘Belmosgreen’, a location that does not exist in Ireland. In hope rather than expectation, I posted an image of this piece of text on the Irish in the American Civil War Facebook Page and Irish in the American Civil War Twitter Feed in order to get people’s thoughts as to what place he might have meant. Assistance flooded in, with a number of excellent suggestions as to the possible location provided– many of which were subsequently proved correct. Among those who went the extra mile to help with revealing the Carr story was Barbara Harvey Freeburn, who not only suggested a location, but actually discovered what is a likely the marriage record of Ann Carr. Thanks to Barbara and the other readers, we have a commencement point for the Carr’s journey. (2)

The Catholic Parish Registers record the marriage of Arthur Carr and Nancy Mulholland in Ballinascreen, Co. Derry on 10th November 1835. Given that Ballinascreen was the main candidate for ‘Belmosgreen’, that we know Ann’s husband was called Arthur, and that we also know that Ann was variously known as Ann or Nancy throughout her life (which was not uncommon), then there is a strong likelihood that Ballinascreen was the Carr family’s place of origin. Ann would have been around 22-years-old at the time of her marriage. The couple had at least five children prior to Arthur’s death around 1850. Although it is not known what caused Arthur’s death, what is apparent is that it left Ann and the children utterly destitute. They were so poor that they could not have contemplated passage to the United States were it not for the intervention of others. Ann later related that in 1851 ‘I and family were sent to America and our expenses paid by the local authorities in Ireland.’ The family clearly escaped penury in Ireland only to be faced with paupery in New York. The 1860 ad that Ann placed in the Boston Pilot demonstrates this, as she had been forced to place her sons in institutional care as she had been unable to afford their support. (3)

We know that Ann’s 1860 advertisement worked. By 1862 Barney, now 17-years-old, had moved from Ohio to Illinois, where he was working for William Gillis, a farmer in Embarrass, Edgar County. It was around this time that Ann re-established contact with Barney, though they had not yet been re-united face to face. The prospect of them doing so anytime soon seemed remote, particularly as by the end of 1862 Barney’s movements were no longer his own to dictate– he was now a private in the Union Army of the Cumberland. Having found himself with no money, Barney had enlisted in Paris, Illinois on 19th July and mustered into Company C of the 79th Illinois Infantry on 18th August 1862. He was variously described at this time as ‘under 18-years-of-age’ and ‘quite young.’ Nonetheless Barney seemed happy in his new role. He started to correspond with his mother, who was living with his younger brother and two sisters in the village of Walton, Delaware County, New York (there is no mention of his third brother after 1860). In one of his early letters, written in camp near Nashville, Tennessee, he asked his mother to ‘pray for me continually I hope that you and me and the rest of the folks at home…see each other once more before I die. If it is the will of God that he may spare my life to get home to embrace my mother as we haven’t seen each other for about 9 years or more.’ (4)

Chattanooga during the Civil War (Library of Congress)

Chattanooga during the Civil War (Library of Congress)

Barney became a regular correspondent with the mother he had not seen in so long, and his letters reveal much about his character. Despite the fact that he had not seen his family in years, he still managed to have an argument with his younger brother John via their letters. It seems that John (around 15-years-old by 1863) thought that it was not very ‘manly’ of Barney to be sending some of his money to a friend to mind it for him. In a letter written in the Murfressboro fortifications on 31st March 1863, Barney sent some money for his mother and sisters, but raged that ‘John can do very well without any money for what he said in his letter, Sis I want you to tell him that he can keep his pen and paper and I will do the same if he thinks that it don’t look very manly to send money home to a man. I would thank him to keep his mouth shut and I will send my money how I please and if he wants to know the reason of [it] I want to have some money when I get home…’ (5)

As with other Irish soldiers whose primary motivation for enlisting appears to have been economic, Barney nonetheless displayed considerable patriotism in his writings, demonstrating that preserving the Union was a strong motivator for him. However, life’s simple pleasures were important to Barney too- and absolutely nothing seems to have been more important in this regard than tobacco, as his letter to New York from Chattanooga, Tennessee on 14th November 1863 demonstrates. It was written at a time when Union forces in Chattanooga had faced shortages in supply: ‘…Mother I want you to send me by mail one round of fine cut chewing tobacco just as soon as you can send it to me, for that is the only way I can keep from spending my money and if you don’t send me plenty of tobacco, why then you will have to send me my money to buy it [he was sending home $30] for I can’t do without the article in no shape nor form…as for tobacco you can buy me a number one quality there and not cost near so much as it would here, I have to pay $1.00 for one plug of tobacco and it won’t weigh half a pound and it is musty after I get it so that I can’t chew it.’ Barney was also in need of a new uniform cap, and wanted to avoid drawing one from the army stores: ‘send a good soldiers cap…I am out of a hat and I will have to draw from Uncle Sam or else go and pay $7.00 for a hat and I would rather send you the money…the kind of cap that I wanted a soldiers cap one that the top leans over on the bill and the bill sticks straight out.’ Just in case his mother had forgotten his sustained appeals for tobacco, Barney signed of the letter with ‘please don’t forget what I told you and send them all right along.’ (6)

On 18th November Barney wrote a letter from Chattanooga that suggests he was keen (perhaps too keen?) on word play. In describing an early morning skirmish with the Confederates he equated the whole affair to a quest for breakfast, describing artillery fire in the following terms: ‘…this morning directly after I got up our boys and the Rebels had a knock down before breakfast and I think that our fellows gave them a breakfast of hot lead, just all that they could eat for I guess they have not had very much to eat for some time and it took a good deal to fill [?] them for they are big eaters. Any how when they have not had anything to eat for some time I guess that they were a trying to get back across the river to get at our cracker boxes and our fellows are a little hungry this morning and did not like to issue rations before they got what they wanted themselves, and Mister Rebs had to stand back until Yanks got his share for they feed our bull dogs double rations of canister and grape and the Rebs could not eat that when they throwed it across to them, and I guess it was [a] good deal of trouble for them to catch them kind of crackers throwed the distance that our boys had to throw them and that distance was across the river and when they got across they were pretty well scattered and it was a little cold and the Rebels thought that their fingers might [get] cold to pick them up and concluded they had better left that alone…’ (7)

An Artillery Bombardment during the Battle of Kennesaw Mountain by Alfred Waud (Library of Congress)

An Artillery Bombardment during the Battle of Kennesaw Mountain by Alfred Waud (Library of Congress)

Although the fighting experienced by Union and Confederate soldiers in the first years of the war was horrendous, it entered a new chapter in May 1864, when Grant’s strategy of applying sustained pressure was implemented. That summer the 79th Illinois marched with Sherman’s army in its long, painful advance towards Atlanta. The 79th took casualties at Rocky Face Ridge on 9th May, at Resaca on 14th May, at New Hope Church on 27th May and at Muddy Creek on 18th June. The Yankees had gradually been forcing the Rebels back towards Atlanta, but now they faced the Confederates most formidable defensive line yet– at Kennesaw Mountain. As the jostling for position around this daunting Confederate fortified line continued, Barney wrote the below letter to his mother on 20th June. It is a remarkable note, and is here reproduced in full. It was not only written under fire, but it expresses sentiments which demonstrate the mental toll that fighting of this nature took on the men:

Headquarters 79 Regt Ills Vols. Camp in the field in front of the enemys breastworks and they are a shooting at us all the time, this date June the 20th 1864.

Dear Parent, once more I take the pleasure [of] writing to you a few lines to let you know that I am still alive yet. As I suppose you are well aware that Shermans army has been a fighting ever since last May and that I am still in his army. So as I have not wrote to you in a good while I thought you would be uneasy about me and thought that I would write you a few and let…[the letter stops at this point, and continues as below]

Dear Mother I have had to stop writing, we are a lying on the line [of] battle and there are 12 pieces of cannons in front of us and they are a shelling the Rebs and that draws the Rebels fire and it is a horrible place to be in. Cannonballs are a flying thick around us and the shells are a screaming in the air and through the woods, cutting the timber and earth in all directions, but thank [God] Mother I am still safe and unhurt, but how long I may still remain so I can’t tell anything about that yet. God only knows how long it may last, I am sure I can’t tell anything about it now that by the grace [of] God I still live yet and am well and hearty in the bargain and I hope that when this few lines reaches you that [they] will find you all well and doing well.

Dear Mother these are hard times nothing but fighting every day and killing of men I am a getting tired of it but then I want to see them keep those Rebels a moving to Atlanta and I guess that it is the only way of putting down this Rebellion and the sooner it is down the better it is for them that lives to see it. But Mother pray for me that I may live to see it over and live to see you all, so Mother I want to see you before I die and I want to see all of the Carr family. (8)

The Illinois Monument at the Dead Angle, Kennesaw Mountain Battlefield (Damian Shiels)

The Illinois Monument at the Dead Angle, Kennesaw Mountain Battlefield (Damian Shiels)

Seven days after Barney wrote this letter, on 27th June 1864, Sherman ordered his men to assault the Confederate line at Kennesaw Mountain. Lieutenant-Colonel Terrence Clark of the 79th Illinois described how the regiment formed ‘in double column at half distance on the third line of battle, Capt. O. O. Bagley temporarily commanding. He advanced the regiment to the front line , when he, on account of the troops on the right falling back, was compelled to retire, losing, in commissioned officers, 1 wounded, 1 enlisted man killed, and 11 enlisted men wounded.’ The Union assault at Kennesaw ended in a bloody repulse. The following day Captain H.C. Beyls of Barney’s company sat down to compose the following letter:

Camp in Field

Near Marietta Geo

June 28 1864

Mrs Nancy Carr

Madam,

I have to report the most painful and sorrowful duty to perform, to notify you that your son Barnard Carr of my company was killed while in the discharge of his duty. On the 27th inst our brigade was ordered in connection [with] others to charge the rebel works. Many were lost– but Barnard was the only one of my company– he [was] a noble, brave and patriotic soldier never flinching from duty but always on hand ever ready to lend a hand to assist me– I sympathize deeply [with] you and his friends

I am with respect

your obedient servant

H.C. Beyls Capt–

Co “C” “79” Ill Infty (9)

Ann Carr would never be reunited with her son. Barney was ultimately interred in Marietta National Cemetery, where his body lies in Plot I, Grave 9311. Back in New York Ann was comforted by her three surviving children, Mary Jane, Ann and John. She would go on to seek a pension based on her son’s service, citing his financial support of her and the fact that her advancing age (she was around 51 years old when Barney died) meant she could not carry out as much work as she used to (she was employed in housework and washing). As additional evidence, Ann included ‘eight letters rec’d from my said son while he was in the army and which will show his feelings towards me.’ She claimed that there had been no time since she had landed from Ireland that she needed the money as much as she did now. Ann had many more years to live. Her pension request granted, in 1865 she moved to Hudson City, New York, before going west and settling in Omaha, Nebraska in 1876 with her three children. The surviving members of the Carr family would all live out their days in the Gateway to the West. Ann’s death was recorded by the Omaha World-Herald on 17th March 1898: Died. CARR– Mrs. Anna Carr, age 90 years, at the residence of her daughter, Mrs. Stephen Rice, 963 N. Twenty-fifth street. Funeral Friday, March 18, at 8.30 a.m. to St. John’s church; services at 9 a.m. She is buried near her three children in Omaha’s Holy Sepulchre Cemetery. (10)

Marietta National Cemetery (HowardSF)

Marietta National Cemetery (HowardSF)

*Barney’s original letters lack punctuation and have frequent mis-spelling. In addition he uses spelling common in 1860s letters (such as ‘they’ for ‘the’) which can confuse modern readers. I have added minor formatting and spelling corrections to his letters for the benefit of readers, but none of the content has been altered in any way. If you would like to read a transcript of the letter as it appears in the original please email me. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Harris et al 1989: 564 (2) Barnard Carr Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (3) Catholic Parish Registers, Barnard Carr Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (4) 1860 Census, Barnard Carr Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (5) Barnard Carr Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (6) Barnard Carr Dependent Mother’s Pension File: (7) Ibid.; (8) Ibid.; (9) Official Records: 364, Barnard Carr Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (10) Barnard Carr Dependent Mother’s Pension File, Omaha World-Herald;

References & Further Reading

Barnard Carr Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC100612.

Ballianscreen Catholic Parish Register Microfilm 05764/07.

1860 Us Federal Census.

Omaha World-Herald 17th March 1898, Volume 33, Issue 168, Page 8.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion, Series 1, Volume 38 (Part 1). Report of Lieut. Col. Terrence Clark, Seventy-ninth Illinois Infantry.

Ruth Ann M. Harris, Donald M. Jacobs, B. Emer O’Keeffe (eds.) 1989. Searching for Missing Friends: Irish Immigrant Advertisements Placed in “The Boston Pilot 1831-1920.”

Civil War Trust Battle of Kennesaw Mountain Page.

Kennesaw Mountain National Battlefield Park.


Filed under: Battle of Kennesaw Mountain, Derry, Illinois, New York Tagged: 79th Illinois Infantry, Assisted Emigration Derry, Battle of Kennesaw Mountain, Information Wanted Advertisements, Irish American Civil War, Irish in Nebraska, Letters Under Fire

Four Years of the Irish at War in Poetry & Song

$
0
0

As we discovered in the excellent recent guest post by University of Edinburgh scholar Catherine Bateson (see here), poetry and song could be extremely important methods for Irish-Americans to communicate their views and experiences. Readers regularly sent in their efforts to be printed in newspapers like the New York Irish American Weekly, allowing us to chart how key events of the day were portrayed in lyrical form. Although undoubtedly of varying quality, they often provide intriguing insights into how Irish people viewed the conflict that engulfed America. I have decided to take a range of these poems and songs from the pages of the Irish-American and reproduce them here. The 17 I have selected date from 1861 to 1865, and chart major events that impacted on Irish-Americans through the course of the conflict. What is notable is that so many were composed within days or weeks of the events which they describe. Some were written by soldiers at the front, others by men and women on the Home Front. The majority conform to the views that were central to the Irish-American, being strongly pro-Fenian and pro-Democrat. Some describe the exploits of regiments and brigades, others the fate of individual named soldiers, while still more served as political propaganda pieces. All are well-worth exploring. 

A Union soldier and his instrument (Library of Congress)

A Union soldier and his instrument (Library of Congress)

The first song featured in the Irish American of 15th June 1861. The 69th New York State Militia had left New York the previous April– they would fight at Bull Run on 21st July. The song notes how those in Ireland would soon hear of their performance on the battlefield. References to the struggle with the English in Ireland abound, as does imagery such as the French victory over the British at Fontenoy in 1745, where the Irish Brigade of France played a key role in determining the outcome. This is the first of a number of the writings featured in the post that were penned by Richard ‘Dick’ Oulahan. A native of Dublin, he emigrated to the United States around 1849. Dick was a committed Fenian, and would later serve as an officer in the 164th New York, Corcoran’s Irish Legion. You can find out more about him here

CAMP SONG OF THE SIXTY-NINTH

Scene– “The Sacred Soil of Virginia.”

From Malahide,

To Shannon side,

From Malin Head to Bray,

Our kindred dear,

Will proudly hear,

The tidings of the fray.

They know we’re here, in danger’s van,

Determined, loyal to a man,

And flanked by brave compeers;

Then let us win a glorious name,

That Saxon Thugs may not defame

The Irish Volunteers.

 

Young, headlong braves,

The Green Flag waves,

Oe’er foreign soil once more,

As, dyed in blood,

It victor stood,

On Fontenoy, of yore,

The birth right of our gallant band,

The danger to adopted land

And gift of famine years,

Made every Celtic heart of steel

Leap madly to the bearna boaghail– [Gap of Danger]

The Irish Volunteers.

 

Our purpose high,

To win or die,

For “Eire of the streams,”

Is still the hope

That buoys us up

And haunt’s the soldier’s dreams.

But though we may not live to see

They shamrock hills, gra gal ma chree,

The great Republic rears

A countless host, of Gaelic blood,

Who’ll stand where once their fathers stood,–

The Irish Volunteers.

 

Unconquered Flag!

No foe shall drag

Our starry standard down,

If courage true

And hands to do,

Can reckless valor crown.

Memento of a tyrant crown.

Bright beacon of our life’s young spring!

The rebel hoarde appears–

Now, comrades, let your war-shout wild

Proclaim, it still floats undefiled!

O’er Irish Volunteers!

After the 69th New York State Militia’s term of service expired it was not long before a proposal was put forward to form an Irish Brigade. Thomas Francis Meagher was given permission to raise such a brigade in September 1861, and he would later become its first commander. On 30th November the Irish-American printed a song by Thomas J. MacEvily which he had written on the 18th of that month based on the new unit, which initially consisted of the 63rd, 69th and 88th New York Infantry. Intended to be sung to the tune of The Star Spangled Banner, further reference is made to the Irish Brigade in French service at Fontenoy, as well as the 1691 Treaty of Limerick in 1691, the terms of which were not honoured as the 18th century progressed.

WAR SONG OF THE IRISH BRIGADE

Air– “The Star Spangled Banner”

Once more we awaken to liberty’s call,

And rise up in might in defence of the nation;

Five thousand are we, and each man will fall,

Before in our Union there is separation;

We’ll conquer, or die, and foul traitors defy,

In the midst of the battle this will be our cry:–

Up! up! with our colors, the proudest e’er seen–

The red, white and blue, and the Emerald Green.

 

Our leader is youthful, and manly and brave,

The pride of our race: and a lover of glory,

Undaunted the flag of the free we will wave,

While he leads us to fight ‘gainst a rebel or tory;

Where’er he says “go,” we will follow the foe,

And victory or death will be ours as we go,

And we’ll be up with our colors, the proudest e’er seen,–

The red, white and blue, and the Emerald Green.

 

What glorious memories will haunt every breast,

As onward we go to the battle advancing,

With sword and with musket our prowess to test.

And our trusty good chargers neighing and prancing;

Fontenoy! Fontenoy! we” ring out with great joy,

And “remember Limerick,” will come from each boy

And we’ll up with our colors, the proudest e’er seen,–

The red, white and blue, and the Emerald Green.

 

Then, onward! oh, onward! at liberty’s call;

For America’s freedom we” brave every danger,

For oh! ’tis a land that is dear to us all,

‘Tis the friend of the weary, the home of the stranger;

Then Meagher lead the way. We’re eager for the fray,

With thy spirit to cheer us we’ll soon win the day,

And we’ll up with our colors, the proudest e’er seen–

The red, white and blue, and the Emerald Green.

The Irish Brigade were not the only Irish unit raised in New York at this time, and among the others was the 37th New York Infantry, the ‘Irish Rifles.’ A poem about that unit was written by one of its members while they were based in Camp Michigan, Virginia on 10th February 1862. Printed in the Irish-American of 22nd March 1862, unlike the previous examples this does not have an overtly political agenda. Instead it seeks to conjure images of the martial scene in which the men found themselves. Following a difficult early term of service under the incompetent command of Colonel John McCunn, the 37th had been set to rights following the appointment of Samuel B. Hayman to the Colonelcy in September 1861.

A SERENADE IN CAMP

The queenly moon a mellow light

In flinging o’er the tented slope,

And music, mingling with the night,

Attunes each heart to faith and hope.

 

The neighb’ring woods harmonious grow,

And flash in echoes to the ear

Those liquid notes which sweetly flow

From serenaders playing near.

 

To morrow’s sun may glint along

The polished bayonets of our column,

For right, when battling ‘gainst the wrong,

Is ever marching onward, solemn.

 

And so the gentle slope, whose tents,

Like bells of snow, adorn the hill,

Is black with men to learn from whence

The sounds that wake the valley still.

 

Admirers of a gallant man

Wed music thus to words of soul:

“The foremost in the battle’s van,

The foremost, too, to reach the goal.

 

“With Hayman there to lead his men,

success is certain in the field;

If foiled at first, he’ll charge again.

The Thirty-Seventh never yield!”

 

The tribute of melody is hushed.

And night resumes its silent sway;

But mem’ry stores the tones which gush’d,

In praise of gallantry for aye.

The first months of 1862 saw focus switch to the Western Theater as some early Union victories arrived that year. In February, the soon to be legendary Ulysses S. Grant successfully captured Fort Donelson on the Cumberland, having already taken Fort Henry on the Tennessee. A poem was written about the journey of one Irishman, ‘Pat Rooney’, from eviction in Ireland to a new life in America with his children, and ultimately a glorious death at Donelson as he seized the flag of his adopted home. The Irish-American, which ran the poem on 24th May 1862, had taken it from the pages of the Philadelphia Sunday Transcript. I have been unable to locate a ‘Pat Rooney’ who was killed in action at Fort Donelson, so it is unclear if this poem was centred around an actual individual or if he was invented for the purposes of this compelling piece.

PAT ROONEY AND HIS LITTLE ONES

By the side of the road,

Poor Pat Rooney stood,

Without shelter or food,

For himself and his little ones.

His heart seemed to fail,

And his cheek ‘gan to pale,

As he felt the cold hail

on himself and his little ones.

 

All evicted– no home,

A future of gloom,

Like a ship ‘mid the foam.

Stood himself and his little ones

Where breakers run high,

And a dark frowning sky.

Leave naught but to die,

Were himself and his little ones.

 

And fondly he gazed,

Where the rude cabin blazed,

From which, almost crazed,

Fled himself and his little ones.

As he thought of the past,

The love laden past.

As the cold winter blast

Chilled himself and his little ones.

 

The night dark and bleak

Hid the tear on his cheek,

As hungry and weak

for himself and his little ones

He breathed forth a prayer

On that cold chilling air,

Asking Heaven to spare,

Yet, himself and his little lone.

 

And succor came soon.

Like a cloud bursting moon,

As a heavenly boon

To himself and his little ones

But deep were their sighs,

As they said their good byes,

And tearful the eyes

Of himself and his little ones.

 

No more round the hearth,

In the spot of their birth,

Will gather on earth,

E’er himself and his little ones,

Now friendless, forlorn,

Sad, weary, and worn,

From Erin now torn,

Are himself and his little ones.

 

Yes, away far away,

With sad hearts away,

They’re gone, and for aye,

Both himself and his little ones.

From the land they had loved,

From the fields where they roved,

From home far removed

Are himself and his little ones.

 

Amid ocean’s deep roar,

A gallant ship bore,

From Erin’s clear shore,

Both himself and his little ones.

And the high dashing spray,

And the billow’s wild play,

Sang a hope stirring lay,

To himself and his little ones.

 

He reaches the West,

The free sunny West,

A land of the blest,

For himself and his little ones

And raiment and food

Seemed to come in a flood

Of sweet heavenly good,

On himself and his little ones.

 

‘Twas then he avowed,

With heart full and proud,

With deep voice and loud,

For himself and his little ones.

That, come evil or good,

On the land or the flood,

With their hearts’ dearest blood,

Would himself and his little ones.

 

Prove constant and true,

To “the Red, White and Blue,

Yes, die for it, too,

Would himself and his little ones,

For Columbia smiled

Upon him as her child,

And of grief soon beguiled,

Both himself and his little ones.

 

And soon comes his chance,

He heads the advance,

With bold tread and glance,

For himself and his little ones,

in Columbia’s fight,

Upon Donelson’s height,

In defence of the right,

For himself and his little ones.

 

In the height of the fray,

His flag’s shot away;

And now a display,

For himself and his little ones,

Amid carnage and flame,

He makes, that bright fame

Will e’er link with the name

Of himself and his little ones.

 

That flag on the ground,

He reached with a bound,

And his breast wrapt it round,

For himself and his little ones;

“Come on, boys,” he cried,

As with swift running stride,

And with patriot pride,

For himself and his little ones.

 

He rushed on the foe–

But he fell, and lies low;

No more will he know

For himself and his little ones,

Of want, or ill fare,

For his soul is up there

With God, who will care

For himself and his little ones.

The charismatic Fenian and leader of the 69th New York State Militia, Colonel Michael Corcoran, had been captured at Bull Run on 21st July 1861 and was held prisoner by the Confederates until the late summer of 1862. Returning to New York a hero and a newly minted Brigadier-General, he would soon began to raise his own brigade that would become known as Corcoran’s Irish Legion. The poem is another from the pen of Richard Oulahan, who would soon be joining his old commander– it was printed in the Irish-American on 6th September 1862.

CORCORAN! THE PRISONER OF WAR.

Welcome back! welcome back! To his friends and his home,

And the loved ones who prayed for this bright day to come–

With an outburst of joy that no croaking can mar,

Let us welcome the PATRIOT PRISONER OF WAR!

When the summons went forth

To the sons of the North,

And her legions of volunteers leaped to the strife;

With a chivalrous band,

Of his own martial land,

Gallant CORCORAN tendered his sword and his life.

 

From Annapolis, fearlessly working they way,–

Watching rebels by night, laying rail-tracks by day,–

Going to bed, with a prayer, in soft Maryland mud,

Breaking bread with their muskets and calling it “good,”–

On they went without a pause,

Winning thanks and applause,

To uphold the proud flag of Humanity’s Rights!

And Fort Corcoran stands,

Giant work of their hands,

An enduring memento on Arlington Heights!

 

How they fought at Manassas and recklessly bled,

Is recorded full well by the graves of the dead;

How they rushed on the foe through the bellowing hell,

Let the widow and orphan and history tell;–

Of the patriot host,

Who were captured or lost,

By that “onward to Richmond” fanatic furore,

None evoked deeper grief,

Than our comrade and chief,

Whom we hail with a cead mille failthe galeor!

 

Give the Van and the Right of this joyous Parade,

To his own SIXTY-NINTH and the PHOENIX BRIGADE!

In those dark days of bondage his fealty and worth,

Made the blood leap with pride through the Celts of the North.

By the high hopes that cheer

His eventful career:

By the light of his life– ocean’s Emerald Star!

Let our sympathy prove,

How we honor and love,

THE YOUNG IRISH-AMERICAN PRISONER OF WAR!

The Irish Brigade’s actions at the Battle of Fredericksburg on 13th December 1862 have passed into the mythology of the Irish experience of America. The Irish-American printed the following poem, which apparently originally appeared in the Irish newspaper the Nation, on 31st January 1863. It was written by ‘Alexis.’

THE IRISH BRIGADE AT FREDERICKSBURG

Oh, well ye fought, my brothers,

In the vanguard of the free,

When your flag, above all others,

Waved its green folds gloriously;

Oh, well ye fought who perished,

For that land which was your home,

Where the exiled Celt was cherished,

Across the salt-sea foam;

 

Nor deem the deed was bootless–

Though your sun was quenched in gloom

Though the gorey field seemed fruitless,

Though your valor was your doom

Yet the tear-dimmed eyes of Erin

Shall weep no tears for you,

Nor the plain be always barren

That hath drunk that crimson dew.

 

When another war is waging

For the land which was your home

When the storm of strife is raging

On this side the sea-foam;

When a blyther queen beameth

On a deadlier, holier fray,

And the same green banner gleameth

Far in the front that day.

 

Then each heroic spirit

From the blissful halls of God

Shall call– and we shall hear it,

And on that battle sod

Shall seek a death as glorious,

In the vanguard of the free,

When the war-wave rolls victorious

O’er the wreck of tyranny

Just as those in Ireland seem to have immediately begun to eulogise the Irish experience of Fredericksburg, so too did those on the home front in America. Kate M. Boylan of Jersey City wrote the poen that follows on St. Patrick’s Day, the 17th March 1863. It was printed on 2nd May 1863:

THE IRISH DEAD ON FREDERICKSBURG HEIGHTS

Softly let thy footprints fall,

Upon this holy ground,

In reverence deep,

For those who sleep,

Beneath each lowly mound.

 

Here lieth many a noble son,

Of trodden mother land,

Whose joy thro’ life,

Was hope of strife,

For their loved native land.

 

They came from Carlow’s fertile plains,

And Wexford’s woody vales,

From Innishowen,

and green Tyrone,

And Wicklow’s hills and dales.

 

They came to seek amid the free,

Homes to reward their toil,

in which to see

That Liberty

Unknown on Erin’s soil.

 

And well they loved the chosen land;

When menaced was her might,

Each grateful heart

A willing part

Took in her cause to fight.

 

And here they lie in unblessed earth,

No kindred eye to weep;

Far, far away,

From the abbey’s grey,

Where their sires and grandsires sleep.

 

Oh! many a matron, many a maid,

Mourns in their native Isle,

For the dear ones here,

Who no more shall cheer,

Their hearts by their gladsome smile.

 

In many an ancient chapel there,

Nestled on the green hill-side,

Will the good priest pray,

On the Sabbath day,

For his boys who in battle died.

 

Let us offer too, our orisons,

For each of the martyr band,

Who nobly gave

Their lives to save

The might of their adopted land.

 

Poems were not just being written to laud the deeds of individual regiment’s and brigades. The Irish-American of 26th December 1863 shared a poem that had been sent to them on the 10th of that month, in memory of an Irish soldier who had fallen at Fredericksburg a year previously. Peter Egan of the 9th New York State Militia, which served as the 83rd New York Infantry, had enlisted aged 22 on 8th June 1861. He was promoted Corporal in November 1862, though was apparently returned to the ranks. Following his death, these lines were supposedly written by one of his comrades, J.B.B. (perhaps John B. Brady, who also served in Company C of the regiment and was wounded at Fredericksburg):

DECIUS EST PRO PATRI MORI

Pause, traveller! while you view the grave,

Where honor’d lies the soldier brave;

Young Egan, generous and bold,

A tried and proven heart of gold:

By New York State Militia, he

Remember’d long and mourn’d shall be,

When curs’d Rebellion, foul and dread,

Dar’d to disclose its hydra head;

This patriotic son of Mars,

Devoted to the “Stripes and Stars;”

Resolved to arm in nation’s right,

As loyal citizen to fight.

He fought on many a bloody field,

Nothing but death could make him yield;

On woodland, hill, on fort and glade,

His valor has been oft displayed:

He prized the Union to his core,

Lov’d but his God and parents more;

The foe, at Fredericksburg, can tell,

How fearless he advanc’d and fell;

Oh! then, for Liberty he gave

His precious life; and here’s his grave.

 

Brigadier-General Michael Corcoran ‘s Irish Legion had been formed in late 1862 and was operating in Newport News, Virginia by November. They avoided the worst of 1863’s fighting, but nonetheless had some adventures during the course of the year. On 29th August 1863 the irrepressible Richard Oulahan, now a Lieutenant in the 164th New York, had what he described as ‘a history of the rambles of the Legion in rhyme’ published:

CORCORAN’S IRISH LEGION

Keep silence for a soldier’s song,

That never yet was printed;

Not over nice, not over long,

At CENTREVILLE invented,

Where sutlers thrive, and “Eagles” swear,

And milk’s a quart a quarter–

The curse of Cromwell sent us here,

To cut the matter shorter.

Where’er we go for weal or woe,

From this ungodly region,

No tears will fall from great or small,

In CORCORAN’S IRISH LEGION.

 

We thought “Camp Scott” was bad enough,

And so it was, I reckon;

Where rain and snow, and stronger stuff,

Obeyed, “right smart,” your beckon:

But here we’re crisped, like buttered toast,

From six A.M., to sundown;

And nightly– witness, Corcoran’s host–

The floods beneath us run down.

Where’er we go, &c., &c.

 

“Old Newport News, old Newport News,”

The boys were in their glory,

With eating duck and oyster stews;

With “Bull Run,” old and hoary,

As up the course he dashed, ahead

Of thorough-bred young racers–

The Gen’ral smiled and fondly said,

“New, where are all your pacers?”

Where’er we go, &c., &c.

 

And Suffolk, with its half-starved crew,

In sorrow, treason brought her,

Recalls the tramps, the fighting too,

We had along BLACKWATER

Our “parrots” shelled the rebels out,

Whene’er they failed to fight us;

But had the knaves come right about,

‘Twould better far delight us.

Where’er we go, &c., &c.

 

They sent us down to Julien Creek,

Where swamps the fever nourish;

But only left us there a week,

Because they saw us flourish.

From Portsmouth on through Washington,

And Fairfax, to this high hill,

Where Irish Zouave, nor Irish gun,

Should ever stop with my will.

Where’er we go, &c., &c.

 

Our Colonels chafe to see us pine,

Who know we’d all with them go;

But when we drink less tea than wine,

They order us to Limbo.

So here we’re doomed to swear and sweat,

On Bull Run’s bloody borders;

Awaiting, what we hope to get,

THE GEN’RAL’S MARCHING ORDERS.

Where’er we go, &c., &c.

 

The Irish fought on both sides in the American Civil War, and in occasional, exceptional circumstances, Irish nationalists of the North had cause to mourn some of their countrymen who fell wearing Confederate gray. One of them was Willie Mitchel, the son of John Mitchel, a leading Irish nationalist and former Young Irelander who was rabidly pro-Southern in his outlook. Willie had died at Gettysburg while taking part in the assault that became known as ‘Pickett’s Charge’ (you can read more about Willie’s story here). On 21st November 1863 the Irish-American published the following poem about Willie, written by ‘P.L’ in Boston on 7th November that year. Despite the story

IN MEMORIAM

He fell where bullets showered in awful, deadly hail,

Where ranks went down like forest leaves before the Autumn gale,

Where the conflict raged the fiercest, and thickest fell the dead,

With the fight still surging round him, ’twas there his spirit fled.

 

He met death like a soldier, a true type of the land

From which he sprung; no craven fear unnerved the heart or hand;

For urging on, with battle-cheer, his broken ranks full well,

Within the foeman’s breastworks won the youthful hero fell.

 

He fell, as fell the bravest of our poor old land that day,

Upon the fatal field of blood, where brothers brothers slay.

The noble hearts, the manly arms that hoped some day to aid

The cause that lit their souls with fire, in darksome graves are laid.

 

Mourn him not with vain wept-tears; they will not wake to life

The pulseless heart that rests to-day, unmoved by woe or strife.

The flag he fell for, on the breast of him, the young and proud,

None dares gainsay to-day, at least, it is a soldier’s shroud.

 

O’er the new made grave is bending the gray-hair’d sire low,

The pang of grief that rends his heart, none, none but fathers know;

The tearless eyes are gazing down, as though their light was there;

The wintry blast of death came; rude the mountain oak is bare.

 

Unbending patriot of our land, our Mitchel true and brave,

We mourn thy loss, we grieve with thee above thy darling’s grave;

We mourn with thee this dreary day; but darker grows the pall,

To think he fell where Celt fought Celt: sure Erin claims them all.

 

The dreamless sleep of death has come, his lamp is quenched in gloom;

And where the youth, mirth and goodness reigned is the stillness of the tomb.

No wassail [?] long with sin or woe, no care to wrack the breast,

Can come to mar his sleep divine, to break eternal rest.

 

Lieutenant Richard Oulahan was wounded during 1863, forcing him to leave the 164th New York Infantry of Corcoran’s Legion due to disability. Clearly devastated at having to leave his zouave-clad comrades, he penned a farewell to them on 30th October 1863, which was published on 21st November. The Casey he mentions was the Legion’s sutler, who was captured by Mosby’s guerrillas near Fairfax and spent a short period in Confederate captivity.

CORCORAN’s ZOUAVES

(164th N.Y. VOLS)

Farewell to the light-hearted fellows,

To officers, privates and all,

Of the Corcoran Zouaves!– ever ready

To answer their commandant’s call;

In the van, on each new expedition,–

Returning to camp, in the rear,–

Performing, like soldiers, their mission,–

“Breaking ranks”, with a bound and a cheer.

 

Running out twenty miles to Blackwater,

And, after a brief bivouac,

Or a six hours’ fight at the river,

Singing Irish airs all the way back;

With the beat at a hundred or over,

And the dust like a Liverpool fog,

You might think they were off for a wrestling,

As pleasantly homeward they jog.

 

Had the Chief of the Legion ten thousand,

Such fleet-footed fellows as you,

How they’d scatter the “Confeds” of Fairfax,

Ad the morning breeze scatter the dew!

O! the wild Irish shout sounds terrific

From a column of Young Irish braves!

And red is their track through the battle,

And thick is the red field with graves!

 

Boys, wherever you follow McMahon,–

Or Mosby or White to ensnare,–

I’ll bw with my old comrades in spirit,

The robbers of Casey to scare;

Or we play, after “taps,” with the Major,

For a dozen of “Dan’s” bottled ale;

Though we called it “first-rate” in Virginia,

We prefer Michael Connolly’s “pale.”

 

Well, we’ve had pleasant times around Suffolk,

Guarding Portsmouth and Edenton roads;

With a concert of drums in the morning,

And, all night, with the song of the toads–

But farewell! when your talking o’er bygones,

Think of one who has ever been true,

Whatever his faults or his failings,

To friendship, the Legion, and you!

Brigadier-General Michael Corcoran died following a riding accident on 22nd December 1863, plunging much of the Irish community in New York into mourning. You can read more about the circumstances surrounding his demise here. A poet who gave her name only as ‘Mary’, wasted no time in getting her feelings on paper. In Montreal in January 1864 she penned this poem, which was published in the Irish-American on the 30th of the month:

WRITTEN ON HEARING THE DEATH OF GENERAL CORCORAN

‘Tis ever thus with Irish hearts;

When joy is beaming round,

A mourning veil is ever near,

To mock each mirthful sound;

When honors fresh are round them,

Or victory’s smiles are bright,

Then comes some crushing sorrow,

To wither and to blight;

 

‘Tis best, perhaps; it teacheth

Our idols are but clay;

It brings us back from roaming,

Points a truer, higher way–

A road which, through long ages,

Our fathers nobly trod,–

One made for ever royal

By the footprints of  a God.

 

Oh! yes, the Cross shall ever

Our earthly portion be;

For, are we not the followers

Of the King of Calvary?

And, though we win our laurels

In each bright path to fame,

They’ll be to us all worthless,

If we lose our ancient name.

 

But one short day of triumph

Had our Saviour on this earth;

But once aloft the palm-branch waved,

Then came a felon’s death;

And we, His humble chosen ones,

Can ask no more than He.

Cling close, O sons of martyrs,

Unto the sacred Tree!

 

With sorrowing hearts we’ll plant it

Above our hero’s tomb;

Above where fond, bright hopes lie,

With manhood’s early bloom:

While Erin with her tear and smile,

Unrolls her scroll of fame,

And writes, in sunlight penciling,

Beloved Corcoran’s name.

 

1864 would see a wave of carnage engulf communities North and South, and Irish-America was no different. Mrs. Sinclair Lithgow was upset to hear of the death of Captain Edmond Butler of the 69th New York National Guard Artillery (182nd New York) of Corcoran’s Irish Legion. He was killed in action at the Battle of Cold Harbor on 3rd June that year. Butler had enrolled as a First Lieutenant on 3rd September 1862 at the age of 27, and had ultimately risen to Captaincy in July 1863. He died leading Company C of the regiment in the assault (you can see an image of him here). The poem was printed on 23rd July 1864:

THE LATE CAPTAIN E.K. BUTLER

Far away where Southern breezes

Gently kiss the dews of morn,

And the golden sunbeams shining,

All nature to adore,

Lay a young and gallant hero,

Whose placid face, wore smiles of lore

For around his couch were gathered

Hosts of angels from above.

 

Oh! ’twas sad to listen to him,

As on his dying bed he lay:

“Bear, bear me to my mother,

Comrades, hear me oh! I pray.”

Softly, sweetly, then he murmured:

“Oh! that she would to me come!

But ah! cold death is o’er me creeping,

Soldiers, I am going home.”

 

Fainter, weaker he was growing,

We know it was his last long sleep;

As we crept to smooth his pillow,

Oh! ’twas hard our tears to keep.

What a smile played o’er his features!

What a look of joy, of love!

Oh! God, we felt our noble Captain

Soon would dwell in Heaven above.

 

And as death was fast approaching,

He awoke from slumber sweet,

Calling loudly for his brothers,

Praying they may once more meet.

“Soldiers, have I done my duty?

Can I meet my God on high?

I have fought alone for freedom,

And I’m now content to die.

 

“When you write, oh, tell my father

That I wished him by my side–

Tell him, too, that his own Edmond

Bravely, like a soldier, died.

And my sisters, (Heaven bless them!)

Soon they’ll miss me from their side;

But there’s one endearing comfort

To know I, for my country, died.

 

“Comrades, dear, press closer to me,

‘Tis my wife I’d speak of now:

Tell her how I sadly missed her,

When death’s seal was on my brow.

And my children– can I leave them?

They were all my life and love.

Oh! never, never can I see them,

Till we meet in Heaven above.”

The terrible casualties of the summer of 1864 caused such devastation to the reinforced Irish Brigade that it was (temporarily) broken up. This news was met with dismay by ‘Bessie’ of Clifton, L.I., who had the following eulogy published on 30th July 1864:

THE IRISH BRIGADE

“Our Brigade exists no longer”– they have gone– the good the true;

Pulseless now, the gallant hearts that a craven feat ne’er knew.

They fell, midst the crash and carnage of the battle’s cruel storm.

Where the sod, beneath fierce trampling feet, was red with life blood warm,

Where shirked and moans commingled with th’ artillery’s thundering peal,

Where were ghastly heaps of mangled forms, and the clash of gleaming steel.

While thick and fast, upon their ranks, poured burning shot and shell.

With their green flag floating o’er them, they proudly fought and fell.

 

“Our Brigade exists no longer.” Ah [illegible]

That sentence said, a burthen of sorrow, deep [illegible],

In grief is Erin shrouded, and sad is her [illegible] wail,

While she mourns her fallen sons, far, far from Inisfail.

They have gone forever, that gallant band, whose glorious, proud array

Filled the treacherous Saxon’s heart with hatred and dismay.

They have fallen in the glory of their manliness and pride–

Ah, would that ’twas for “the dear old land beyond the sea” they died.

 

Down trodden and oppressed they fled, poor Erin, from they shore;

But did thy sons forget thee then? Ah no, machree, asthore!

When thy “sunburst” o’er them glittered, and the thrilling martial strain

Rang out, bold, defiant, o’er Southern hill and plain,

How throbbed the fiery Celtic hearts, and leaped to their lips the cry–

“Oh, if this were but for Ireland, how gladly would we die.”

But that band– those chiefs- who proudly hoped to strike for Erin yet–

Their fate– “an exile’s lonely grave”– ‘neath stranger skies have met.

 

They had hoped to free from the tyrant’s chain the dear old “sainted Isle.”

And again behold its emerald sod, unprofaned by Saxon guile;

And their hearts throbbed high at the welcome thought of meeting the hated foe

That had wrought on our beautiful Island home such bitter wrong and woe.

Their hopes, bright dreams, alas! themselves, with the mournful past, have fled;

But their memories hat, ’round Erin’s brow, a halo of glory shed,

And their names and deeds will be cherished bright in that “Isle beyond the waves.”

And many a tear and tender thought will be given the lonely graves,

Where sleep poor Erin’s exiles– “proud sons of the glorious Gael”–

Not e’en their dust a resting place many find in Innisfail.

Much of talk that Autumn was of the impending Presidential election between incumbent Abraham Lincoln and George McClellan, darling of the Irish Democrats (to see one Irish-American’s view, see here). The newspaper was filled with pro-McClellan sentiment, and they printed a range of supporting poems and songs, three of which are reproduced below. The first, The Cry is Mac, My Darling was first printed in the New York World and printed in the Irish-American on 17th September 1864 was to be sung to the tune of ‘Oh, My Nora Creina Dear.’ It was written by an Irish soldier in the 1st Division, 2nd Army Corps, in the field on 5th September 1864.

THE CRY IS MAC, MY DARLING

AIR– “Oh, My Nora Creina dear.”

 

Mac, my darling, proud I am

To heat that you’ve been nominated:

Last we met at Antietam,

Where you the rebel might abated.

In the seven days’ fight I stood

Beside you on the hills and meadows,

And while our brave boys poured their blood,

We knew your heart was throbbing with us!

Oh my Captain, dear and true,

The coward tongues that would ignore you,

Are base as false– thank Heaven they’re few!

Your soldiers trust you and adore you.

 

Abe may crack his jolly jokes,

O’er bloody fields of stricken battle,

While yet the ebbing lifestide smokes

From men that die like butchered cattle;

He, ere yet the guns grow cold,

To pimps and pets may crack his stories;

Your name is of the grander mould,

And linked with all your brightest glories!

Oh, my General, dear and true,

The lying tongues that would defame you,

Are base as false– thank Heaven they’re few!

For as our chosen chief we claim you.

 

They say– these dogs of currish heart,

Who never heard a bullet whistle–

You’d let the Union drift[?] apart

Like down flakes from a shaken thistle;

They say, of Captain– but the words

Stick in our throats– we can’t adjust ’em,–

But lift to Heaven our dinted swords

And answer only this: “We trust him!”

Yes, oh friend of rights and laws,

Depsite the sneers of fool or crave,

Where hearts beat highest for the cause,

You have your home, your shrine and haven!

 

With patient toil and pitying breast

You sought your soldier’s blood to treasure,

Nor ever tried the cruel test,

How much we could endure to measure;

They feared you, for they saw your love;

To winn success they would not let you,–

But while the white stars shine above,

The boys you led will ne’er forget you!

Yes, oh Captain! loved and true,

Desert you– we would perish rather;

Thank Heaven the hearts are not a few

That call you brother, friend and father!

The second example of this 1864 election propaganda music was printed on 8th October (having originally appeared in the New York World). It was composed in direct response to a quote in the Chicago Platform, which had claimed that if elected, McClellan would ‘take steps to bring about a cessation of hostilities.’

WAR DEMOCRATIC VIEW OF McCLELLAN’S NOMINATION

CORPORAL CASEY SOLUS. AIR: Ould Ireland, You’re my Darling.

May I niver taste bite nor sup-tonight

But I joy to hear the story,

For the rebels’ll catch in McClellan their match,

An’ we’ll soon have “payce”wid glory!

Such “steps” he will take as’ll make ’em awake

To a sinse of their secession[?],

An ‘wid thrayson denied on a bloody bed,

Of the war we’ll have “a cessation!”

 

CHORUS OF SOLDIERS. AIR: Yankee Doodle

That’s the kind of talk for us,

That’s the peace we covet,–

Treason dead on a bloody bed,

And out starry flag above it!

 

CORPORAL CASEY AS BEFORE:

Little Mac’s the man ‘wid a handsome plan

For an airy “payce” attainin’,–

Wid threbble might to purshue the fight,

Decisive thriumphs gainin’!

We do hate an’ abhor every form o’ war,

We but fight for con-cilliation,

An’ wid thrayson dead on a bloody bed,

Of the war we’ll have a “a cessation!”

CHORUS OF SOLDIERS AS BEFORE:

That’s the kind of talk for us,

That’s the peace we covet,–

Treason dead on a bloody bed,

And the Stars and Stripes above it!

 

CORPORAL CASEY AS BEFORE:

Och! the hour is nigh to see them fly

In wild confusion scatthered,

From their broken lines an’ their murdherin’ mines

An’ their earthworks torn an’ tatthered!

Wid a fiery brand in wan stout hand

An’ an olive branch in the other,–

They’ll all come back undher “Little Mac,”

An’ we’ll have an end o’ the bother!

 

CHORUS OF SOLDIERS AS BEFORE:

That comes home to the Southern heart,

That’s the way to strike it.–

“The brand in hand if you still withstand,

The olive branch if you like it.”

The final pro-McClellan song was composed by T.F.L. and was printed on 22nd October 1864. Granuaile was Grace O’Malley, the famed Irish ‘Pirate Queen’ of the 16th Century.

THE IRISH FOR McCLELLAN

AIR– Graineumhial [Granuaile]

 

McClellan’s a soldier right sterling and true;

McClellan’s a statesman and patriot too;

McClellan will, therefore, receive, without fail,

The votes of the sons of OLD GRAINEUMHAIL.

 

McClellan’s accomplished– his head is well stor’d

With learning as deep as with strength is his sword;

Our freedom, now lost, he is sure to reveal–

So let him have your votes, sons of GRAINEUMHAIL.

 

His motto we know, ’tis “The Union Once More;”

That word, “Abolition,” he’ll ever ignore;

Additional taxes he will not entail,

He therefore commanded us from GRAINEUMHAIL.

 

McClellan’s a CELT in his every vein;

O’er this great Republic he’s worthy to reign;

Like Marshals MacMahon, O’Donnell, and Neil,

He’s a lineal descendant of GRAINEUMHAIL.

 

Then so for McClellan, let all, with one voice,

Proclaim him the chief of [illegible] choice–

His aid he’ll withhold now when we’re going to deal

The great stroke of Freedon for GRAINEUMHAIL.

 

At the conclusion of the war the remnants of the regiments and brigades marched home. On 19th August 1865 the Irish-American printed a song written by ‘N.J.W.’ on 9th August. He had reportedly witnessed the ‘painful and distressing’ disappointment of a young woman who sought her brother in the ranks of the returning Corcoran Legion, and was inspired to compose it to the air of The Exile of Erin.

“OH! WHERE IS MY BROTHER?”

“AIR– The Exile of Erin.”

 

Oh, where is my brother? ’twas here that we parted,

And here, he has said, he would meet me again;

Is he lost to me now; shall I stay broken-hearted,

Through this cold, bittler world to see him in vain?

As in safety he passed through each battle’s commotion.

Whilst the sight of the dead caused his heart sad emotion,

It was then that he said, with a brother’s devotion,

His sister might hope to embrace him again.

 

Oh, where is my brother: to foul wicked treason

Has he fallen a victim– where does he remain?

Has “The Legion” come home to deprive me of reason–

Have I hoped, have I prayed for my brother in vain?

In sorrow and plain, Oh! not thus would he leave me,

To weep in despair, with no kind friend to cheer me,

Kind Heaven look down, from this anguish relieve me,

Not here can I hope to embrace him again.

 

Oh, where is my brother? by that green banner torn,

Did he stand ‘mid the heat of the battle’s red glare,

When it passed through the fire, by my brother ’twas borne:

It appears to me now like a cloud of despair.

Is my brother lost to the cause that he cherished,

Is it thus, like “a soldier of fortune,” he perished;

Does his heart beat no more for he mother that nourished

His childhood with fond and affectionate care?

 

Oh, where is my brother?– in her chains still unbroken,

By her children deserted, his mother doth sleep;

By the Nations despised, amid sorrows unspoken,

In the grasp of the tyrant doth Erin still weep.

Will it ever be thus by the exiles forsaken,

Will their mother no more from her slumbers awaken,

Shall the power of the despot remain thus unshaken

To bind her for ever, in slavery’s keep?

 

Oh, where is my brother? in accents distressing,

She cried, as the soldiers were passing away;

Then her brother, ’til now his emotion suppressing,

Replied– I am here, thy fond love to repay!

The exiles you speak of are banded together,

Their hearts are unchanged, like the heart of your brother;

They live to redeem, in the cause of their mother,

The pledge they have taken in battle’s array.

References

New York Irish American Weekly


Filed under: Music, New York Tagged: Emigrant Music, Emigrant Poetry, Irish American Civil War, Irish American Poetry, Irish American Song, Irish Diaspora, McClellan Songs, New York Irish-American
Viewing all 86 articles
Browse latest View live