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Imagining the Horrors of Death: An Irishwoman Learns of Her Husband’s Death at Gettysburg

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The battlefields of the American Civil War claimed thousands of Irish Famine emigrants. The families of some were fortunate, in that comrades took the time to write to them of their loved one’s final moments. But these letters did not always spare grieving relatives the gruesome imagery of war. Thankful as they must have been to receive them, one wonders to what extent the imagined final moments of husbands, sons and brothers were replayed and visualized in the minds of those left behind. Such may well have been the case for Mary Clark, from Co. Westmeath, when she received word on how her husband had lost his life on the slopes of Culp’s Hill, Gettysburg.

St. Francis Xavier Church in Manhattan, as it appeared when the Clarks had their children baptised there. Although the Church still exists today, it has been redeveloped. This image illustrates a fatal panic that occurred at the Church in 1877, when somone caused a stamped by shouting "Fire!", resulting in a number of deaths. (New York Public Library)

John Clark and Mary Farrell were married in Co. Westmeath on 31st December 1848. At the time John was around 23, Mary around 21. They were among the hundreds of thousands of Irish people who left the country during the Famine-era to head for a new life in the United States. It was in New York that they started their family, and the couple would eventually go on to have five children; Michael (b. 11th March 1854), John (b. 25th January 1856), Catharine (b. 1st February 1858), Mary (b. 5th January 1860) and Ellen (b. 27th December 1861). All bar one of the children were baptized in New York’s St. Francis Xavier’s Church on 16th Street in Manhattan. John and Mary are recorded on the 1855 Census with their one-year-old Michael, living in the 15th Ward. At that time John was employed as a laborer. By the outbreak of the Civil War, their home was 148 West 18th Street; John was by now working as a hostler. (1)

The part of West 18th Street on which the Clarks lived, as it appears on Google Street View.

John Clark was 35-years-old when he mustered in as a private in New York on 24th August 1861. He became a member of Company B of the 65th New York Infantry, the “1st U.S. Chausseurs” on 1st September that year. John was described as 5 feet 6 inches in height, with dark brown eyes, a dark complexion and dark hair. When he marched off to war Mary was 5 months pregnant with the couple’s fifth child, Ellen, who would be born that December. It is unclear if John ever had an opportunity to see her. A little more than a year and a half later he and the 65th New York– part of Shaler’s 1st Brigade, 3rd Division of the 6th Corps– marched onto the Gettysburg battlefield. On the evening of the 2nd July the regiment was held in reserve on the left, but at 8am on 3rd they were ordered to the army’s extreme right. Their function was to support General Geary’s position on Culp’s Hill. As the Confederates attacked, John and his comrades were directed to form a reserve, and duly “took a sheltered position in rear of a piece of woods, beyond which the action was then progressing.” The 65th New York would never be called forward into direct combat from this location, near where its monument stands on the Gettysburg battlefield today. As a result, the unit’s Gettysburg casualties were extremely light. But no matter where you are positioned, battlefields are deadly places. So it proved for John Clark, who met a grisly on Culp’s Hill as he awaited his orders to advance. His fate was described in two letters written to Mary by men of the regiment. (2)

A young soldier dressed in Chausseur uniform, possibly a member of the 65th New York (Library of Congress)

A young soldier dressed in Chausseur uniform, possibly a member of the 65th New York (Library of Congress)

Camp 1st U.S. Chasseurs

Near Warrenton D.C.

July 30th 1863

Mrs Mary Clark

Madam,

Owing to the absence of the officer in command of Co “B” I will endeavor to answer your letter regarding you husbands death. Corporal John Clark Co “B” 1st U.S. Chausseurs was struck with a piece of shell on the morning of the 3d day of July at 11 o’clock. The regiment was laying down awaiting the order to advance to the front when a shell exploded over the Reg’t killing him and wounding another man by his side.

One of his comrades carried him off the field to the Hospital and if he said any thing to him I cant say as he was wounded soon after and while on his way to join his Company and no word has been heard from him.

John’s own officer is now in New York for conscripts with his Head quarters at 274 Canal Street in the store of the Water Furnace Company. I will write him a letter and give him you direction so he can call and see you if he has time.

You would do well to call and see him and he probably may assist you in getting the relief money.

I came out in the same Company with your husband as a Sergeant and I have had good chances of knowing the man and I but speak the feelings of all his comrades in saying that a better soldier, companion or friend was not to be found in the Regiment and all his comrades deeply sympathize with you in the loss of such a husband– If there is anything his comrades can do they wish me to say they are at your service and if any further information is needed I will cheerfully grant it.

Believe me Madam,

A sincere friend of you late husband & one who sincerely sympathizes with you in your loss,

Respectfully,

Your Obed’t Ser’t

Adjutant William J. Haverly

1st U.S. Chausseurs (3)

William J. Haverly was 26-years-old when he was enrolled as a Sergeant in Company B on 3rd August 1861. He was discharged for disability holding the rank of Captain on 15th November 1864. (4)

274 Canal Street, the site of Brown’s Water Furnace Company, as it appears today. It is likely that Mary Clark visited Lieutenant Raymond here in 1863 to find out more about her husband’s death at Gettysburg. Promoted Captain to date from 1st July 1863, Raymond was dismissed on 7th March 1864 for being absent without leave.

The second letter was sent by Louis Thirion, a Pennsylvania-born jeweler, who had enlisted at the age of 29 in Company H on 20th August 1861. (5)

Camp near Warrenton Va

July 31st 1863

To Mrs Mary Clark

Dear Madame,

It is with regret I announce to you that your husband was killed in the Battle of Gettysburg the 3rd of July at about 11 O’clock. He lingered for about 4 hours when death put an end to his sufferings. He was universally beloved in the regiment, but more particularly in our company where he was better known. By his death the regiment loses the services of one whose place it will be difficult to fill. In passing this tribute to his memory I but re-echo the sentiments of the entire command. I sincerely sympathize with you in the irreparable loss you have sustained, whereby you have lost a kind husband, and your children an affectionate father. May his soul rest in peace. Our Lieutenant whose is name is George S. Raymond is in your city detailed to bring on conscripts. I think you will find him at the Howard House or somewhere in that vicinity. He can give you more information than I possibly can give you on paper.

Your husband was laying on his back calmly talking of the “Union” when a fragment of a shell struck him nearly taking both legs off.

Wishing your sorrows may be alleviated by the consolation of knowing he died a glorious death.

I remain,

Your Obedient Servant,

Serg’t Louis Thirion Co ‘B’

65th N.Y.S.V. 1st Brigade 3d Division

6th Corps Washington D.C.

Although a Sergeant when he wrote this letter, Louis was returned to the ranks in June 1864. He mustered out on 17th July 1865. (6)

It is apparent from both letters that the Westmeath man was very popular among the regiment. Evidently Mary, having learned of John’s death, had written seeking further details regarding his demise. It is not hard to imagine her turning over the image of  her husband’s horrifying and agonising final hours in her mind. Although Thirion in particular gave her explicit detail as to how John had been wounded, it is interesting to note that the Sergeant also related that John had been “calmly talking of the Union” when he was struck. Whether this was the truth, or whether he added it to provide more meaning for his sacrifice, is unknown, but Thirion’s hope that Mary would be consoled by John’s “glorious death” implies it may well have been the latter. John Clark’s body was identified and he was buried in the New York plot at Gettysburg National Cemetery. How Mary fared with her five young children goes unrecorded, but it is notable that when she applied for an increase to her pension in 1865 based on her minor children, only four were listed– the absent child was the couple’s fifth, their young daughter Ellen, who had been born when her father had marched away to war. (7)

John Clark's memorial in Gettysburg National Cemetery (Photo: Pat Callahan, Find A Grave)

John Clark’s memorial in Gettysburg National Cemetery (Photo: Pat Callahan, Find A Grave)

(1) John Clark Widow’s Pension File, 1855 New York Census; (2) 65th New York Roster: 477, John Clark Widow’s Pension File, Official Records: 680-1, Pfanz 1993: 324; (3) John Clark Widow’s Pension File; (4) 65th New York Roster: 558; (5) New York Muster Roll Abstracts; (6) 65th New York Roster: 717, New York Muster Roll Abstracts; (7) John Clark Widow’s Pension File;

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References & Further Reading

John Clark Widow’s Pension File WC50400.

Census of the state of New York, for 1855. Microfilm. New York State Archives, Albany, New York.[Original page scans accessed via ancestry.com].

Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts of New York State Volunteers, United States Sharpshooters, and United States Colored Troops [ca. 1861-1900]. (microfilm, 1185 rolls). Albany, New York: New York State Archives.[Original scans accessed via ancestry.com].

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 27, Part 1. Reports of Brig. Gen. Alexander Shaler, U.S. Army. commanding First Brigade , Third Division.

Pfanz, Harry W. 1993. Gettysburg: Culp’s Hill & Cemetery Hill.

New York Adjutant General. Roster of the 65th New York Volunteer Infantry.

Corporal John Clark Find A Grave Memorial.

Art and Picture Collection, The New York Public Library. “New York City:the fatal panic, on the evening of March 8th, in the Church of St. Francis Xavier, Sixteenth Street, between Fifth and Sixth Avenues.” New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed March 3, 2016.

Pat Callahan Find A Grave Contributor.

Gettysburg National Military Park.

Civil War Trust Battle of Gettysburg Page.


Filed under: Battle of Gettysburg, New York, Westmeath Tagged: 65th New York Infantry, Civil War Condolence Letters, Irish American Civil War, Irish at Gettysburg, Irish in New York, Westmeath & America, Westmeath Emigrants, Widow's Pension Files

A Walk Among Storied Tombstones: Some Irish Dead in National Cemeteries

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In 2014 I was fortunate enough to walk a number of the Eastern Theater battlefields of the American Civil War. I took the time to visit some of the National Cemeteries along the way, at places like Cold Harbor, Glendale, Fredericksburg and Antietam. Military cemeteries are fascinating places. The National Cemeteries created out of the American Civil War stand to rival anything I have seen on European battlefields. Their scale and uniformity impart the cost of war in a way that it is often visually more forceful than the vestiges of the battlefield themselves. Conversely, they have an inherent beauty that can sanitize our vision of the horrors of death in conflict. As I walked through the rows of white headstones, I photographed any of those which bore “Irish” names. I have had the chance to go back through some of those images, seeking to learn more of the men whose remains lie below the stones, and of those they left behind. A mere handful of these brief stories appear below, relating to Irish-born New York soldiers whose graves I passed at Fredericksburg, Cold Harbour and Antietam. 

The grave of First Sergeant William Jones, Fredericksburg National Cemetery. A native of Wicklow. (Damian Shiels)

The memorial stone of First Sergeant William Jones, Fredericksburg National Cemetery. A native of Wicklow, he was posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions at Spotsylvania. The story of William and his family has been told in a previous post on the site. (Damian Shiels)

James McEntee, Fredericksburg

James was 42-years-old when he enlisted on 22nd August 1862, in Rochester. He became a Wagoner in Company K of the 140th New York. Born in Ireland, he was a blacksmith by trade and had blue eyes, dark hair, a dark complexion and was 5 feet 7 inches in height. James was wounded in action on 5th May 1864 at The Wilderness (likely in Saunders’ Field), and  died of a result of those wounds. His muster roll abstract records that he was “in 10 battles”. James McEntee’s death would have been felt by many. The 1860 Census records 39-year-old James in Rochester’s Eighth Ward where he lived with his wife Maria (40) also born in Ireland, and their ten children who had had been born in New York. They were John (19) who was also a blacksmith, Maria (17), a seamstress, Catharine (16), a servant, Thomas (15), a laborer, Agnes (13), James (11), Louisa (9), Sylvester (7), Charles (5) and Richard (2). A  widows pension was claimed but not granted on 12th August 1918.

James McEntee, Fredericksburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James McEntee, Fredericksburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Clarey, Fredericksburg

James enlisted aged 32 on 3rd August 1861 in Poughkeepsie and became a private in Company K of the 57th New York Infantry. He was killed on 11th December at Fredericksburg, hit by fire from sharpshooters, who inflicted casualties on the regiment as they were on the banks of the Rappahannock supporting the pontoon laying. He is likely the James Clary enumerated in Poughkeepsie Ward 1 in 1860. The then 30-year-old worked as a striker (a blacksmith’s assistant), with his wife Bridget, a laundress. Both had been born in Ireland. They had three-children, all born in New York; Michael (9), Mary (7) and John (3). His wife applied for a widow’s pension on 20th January 1863, but unfortunately the pension index card also records a subsequent claim for a minor’s pension, suggesting Bridget passed away before all her children had reached 16 years-of-age.

James Clary, Fredericksburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Clarey, Fredericksburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Anthony Moran Junior, Fredericksburg

Anthony enlisted on 12th August 1863 at the age of 22 in Buffalo, becoming a private in Company C of the 76th New York Infantry. He was a substitute for John Green of Cheektowaga, Erie County, who had been drafted. An Irish-born farmer, he had hazel eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion, and was 5 feet 8 1/2 inches tall. He was reported killed in action at the Battle of the Wilderness, with his death dated 8th May 1864. His mother successfully filed a pension claim based on his service on 1st February 1871.

Anthony Moran Junior, Fredericksburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Anthony Moran Junior, Fredericksburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Harty, Fredericksburg

Thomas was 19-years-old when he enlisted on 20th August 1863 in Yorkshire, New York. He became a private Company H of the 146th New York Infantry, joining the regiment on 20th October 1863,. Thomas was a substitute for Riley Phillips, who had been drafted. The young man  had been born in Ireland and had previously worked as a laborer. He was described as having grey eyes, brown hair and a light complexion, and was 5 feet 6 1/2 inches tall. He was killed in action on 14th May 1864, while on the skirmish line at Laurel Hill.

Thomas Harty, Fredericksburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Harty, Fredericksburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Lawrence McGrath, Cold Harbor

Lawrence was 23-years-old when he enlisted in New York City on 4th September 1861. The Irish-born cooper became a private in Company D of the 25th New York Infantry. He was originally from Fanningstown, Co. Kilkenny. He was described as having grey eyes, brown hair, a light complexion, and was 5 feet 9 inches in height. He was killed in action at Hanover Court House on 27th May 1862. Lawrence’s father William, who lived at 59 Mott Street, successfully filed a pension claim (WC140169) based on his son’s service.

Lawrence McGrath. Cold Harbor National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Lawrence McGrath. Cold Harbor National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Ryan, Cold Harbor

James was 32-years-old when he enlisted in New York on the 8th August 1862. The Irish-born laborer became a private in Company B of the 170th New York, Corcoran’s Irish Legion. He was killed in action at Cold Harbor on 12th June 1864. His wife Mary (née Dillon) received a pension (WC41842) based on his service. She was left to care for their son Edward, who was not yet 4 when his father died, having been born on 2nd October 1861.

James Ryan, Cold Harbor National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Ryan, Cold Harbor National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Hugh Gallagher, Antietam

Hugh was 38-years-old when he enlisted in New York on 26th August 1861. He became a private in Company B of the 61st New York Infantry. Hugh had married Ann Finen in New York’s Church of St. Joseph on 26th March 1847, in the presence of Martin and Ann Sweeney (the surnames suggest they were from the North-West of Ireland, possibly Donegal). Hugh was killed in action at the Battle of Antietam on 17th September 1862, and Ann received a widow’s pension based on his service (WC3649). His officer had written to her of his fate:

…Hugh Galliger I regret to state was mortally wounded at the Battle of Antietam and died upon the field. he was struck about midway between the knee and hip by a musket ball which must have severed an artery as he bled to death in a very short time. It was in the heat of the engagement that he was wounded and at such a moment little assistance could be rendered him. His body was decently interred in a single grave near the battle ground and a board with his name, company & regt placed at the head. He was a gallant soldier & met his death at the very foremost of the battle…

Hugh Gallagher, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Hugh Gallagher, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Ryan, Antietam

James was 25-years-old when he enlisted on 18th May 1861 in Seneca Falls. He became a private in Company K of the 33rd New York Infantry. Born in Ireland, he was reported absent sick in hospital on 31st October 1862, and died of chronic diarrhea at Seminary Hospital, Hagerstown, Maryland on 9th November that year. He had married Mary Riley on 23rd August 1860, and their son James Junior was only a little over a year-old when his father died (WC41174).

James Ryan, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Ryan, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Maloney, Antietam

Thomas was 39-years-old when he enlisted on 25th September 1861 in Albany. He became a private in Company K of the 63rd New York Infantry, Irish Brigade. Wounded in action at Antietam, he died as result of his injures at Frederick, Maryland on 4th October 1862. He had married Catharine Costello in Ireland in 1845, prior to emigration (WC989). The couple had one child under the age of 16 at the time of Thomas’s death, who had been born on 17th March 1849.

Thomas Maloney, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Thomas Maloney, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Walter Burke, Antietam

Walter was recorded as 28-years-old when he enlisted in New York on 9th September 1861. In reality he must have been some years older. When he mustered in he became a private in Company G of the 69th New York Infantry, Irish Brigade. Wounded at Antietam, Walter died as a result at Frederick, Maryland on 27th September 1862. Walter’s officer remembered him getting a “severe wound in the thigh” at the battle, as a result of which he was sent to the hospital. Walter had married Eliza Anderson in a Protestant church in Co. Kilkenny in 1847, but as Walter was Catholic they repeated the ceremony in a Catholic church when they came to New York, at St. Patrick’s Cathedral. Eliza received a widow’s pension after Walter’s death (WC27188).

Walter Burke, ANtietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Walter Burke, ANtietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

John Curry, Antietam

John was 32-years-old when he enlisted on 21st August 1862. He would become a private in Company C of the 5th New York Heavy Artillery. Prior to the conflict John had been a mason, having spent ten years  as a bricklayer. John was from Co. Cavan, where his father Patrick had died in October 1841. He had afterwards emigrated with his mother Mary and siblings. John took ill during his service, and was hospitalized in Frederick, Maryland. He passed away on 15th January 1865, with his cause of death recorded as asthma. His mother Mary was awarded a dependent mother’s pension based on his service (WC86628).

John Curry, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

John Curry, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Carroll, Antietam

James was 36-years-old when he enlisted in Seneca Falls on 15th December 1863. He mustered in as a private in Company C of the 9th New York Heavy Artillery. Previously a laborer, Irish-born James was described as 5 feet 6 1/2 inches in height, with grey eyes, dark hair and a dark complexion. James had married Irish emigrant Alice Martin at Syracuse in February 1853. They went on to have three children– Mary Ann (b. 1853), Caroline (b.1857) and John Francis (b.1860). The family appear on the 1860 Census in Seneca, where James was recorded as a day-laborer. Tragedy struck when Alice died in Seneca Falls on 25th August 1861, leaving James a widower. He suffered a gunshot wound at the Battle of Monocacy on 9th July 1864, and died as a result in Frederick three days later. This left his children oprhans; a minor pension was later granted to help support them (WC141503).

James Carroll, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

James Carroll, Antietam National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

References

New York Muster Roll Abstracts.

New York Regimental Rosters.

1860 U.S. Federal Census.

Widows and Dependent Parents Pension Files.


Filed under: Cavan, Kilkenny, New York Tagged: Antietam National Cemetery, Cold Harbor National Cemetery, Corcoran's Irish Legion, Fredericksburg National Cemetery, Irish American Civil War, Irish Brigade, Irish Civil War Dead, New York Irish

War Prices! War Prices! Advertisements Aimed at Irish Soldiers & their Families from the American Civil War

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We live in an age of seemingly incessant and increasingly intrusive advertising. In a world where algorithms monitor our online browsing to offer us individually tailored ads, it is easy to consider opportunistic advertisement as a relatively modern phenomenon. Of course that is not necessarily the case. A review of advertisements from periods like the 1860s demonstrates just how clued in those creating them were to the needs and concerns of their target audience. I decided to take a look at a number of ads aimed specifically at Irish soldiers and their families during the war, largely from the New York Irish-American Weekly. In them we find everything from the practicalities of how to get packages to and from the front to where you could buy presents for the soldier in your life. The 1860s equivalent of “celebrity culture” is represented in the sale of images and memoirs of and by the most popular members of Irish-American society. For the families of those who never came home, solicitors were on hand to offer their services, some with specific reference to recent bloody engagements. Meanwhile, and perhaps most insidiously, the medicine salesmen pulled at the heartstrings of those whose loved ones’ were still alive, by offering remedies for every conceivable ailment connected with military service.

8 March 1862 Rates of Advertisement

In the 1860s, as now, advertisement was a major source of finance for many newspapers. Each issue of the New York Irish-American Weekly contained large numbers of them, many specifically targeting the Irish community. This ad lists the paper’s advertising rates as published on 8th March 1862.

Shipping to the Front

9 May 1863 Irish Brigade Harnden Express

Getting money and packages safely to and from the front was a major consideration of practically every soldier in the service. In this Harnden Express advertisement  from the New York Irish-American Weekly of 9th May 1863, those with family in the Irish Brigade were specifically targeted.

9 April 1862 Harndens Express

Another Harnden Express Advertisement, showing the main articles they were willing to transport. New York Irish-American Weekly, 9th April 1862.

31 January 1863 Adams Express

The Adams’ Express were unrivalled in their role of getting material to and from the Army of the Potomac, and are mentioned in hundreds of Irish-American letters. This advertisement ran in the New York Irish-American Weekly of 31st January 1863, a few weeks after the Battle of Fredericksburg.

Food, Clothing & Accoutrements

3 January 1863 Tiffanys soldiers clothes

Food, clothing and accoutrements were often the subject of ads. This is a section of an advertisement for Tiffany’s, run in the New York Irish-American Weekly on 3rd January 1863, highlighting their “Military Departmen” where there were many potential “gifts for the Union Soldier.”

5 July 1862 War Groceries

Advertisement for Fowler & Griffin of Greenwich Street, highlighting their War Prices for groceries. Advertisement run in the New York Irish-American Weekly, 5th July 1862.

29 June 1865 Watch

Advertisement for Benedict Brothers of Broadway, suggesting that soldiers provide themselves with an “American Watch” before returning home. Advertisement from the New York Irish-American Weekly, 29th June 1865.

Publications

23 August 1862 Corcoran Book

The concept of commemorative posters or pull-outs was alive and well in the 19th century, and appealing to the celebrity of Irish leaders was big business. This advertisement of an upcoming portrait of Michael Corcoran in the New York Illustrated News ran in the New York Irish-American Weekly on 23rd August 1862.

18 July 1863 Corcoran Publication

General Corcoran’s popularity was an opportunity to make money, particularly given the increase in his fame following his capture at First Bull Run and subsequent imprisonment. Following his release, his account of his time in Southern prison was in huge demand. Advertisement from the New York Irish-American Weekly on 18th July 1863.

9 May 1863 Ad for Book with McLellan

This publication targeted both soldiers and those at home who wanted to read accounts of the late battles of the war. It also appeals to the strong support for General McClellan among the Irish-American community by highlighting that each copy contained an “autograph letter” from him. Advertisement from the New York Irish-American Weekly of 9th May 1863.

Death & Entitlements

22 November 1862 Bull Run Attorney

From the summer of 1862 onwards both disabled veterans and the widows and dependents of deceased soldiers became eligible for U.S. pensions. In addition family often needed to access back-pay and bounties to which they were entitled. This became major business for solicitors, who took to running advertisements offering their services to the bereaved. This ad for R.S. Davis of Louisiana Avenue was specifically targeting Irish New Yorkers who had lost loved ones at the Second Battle of Bull Run, fought a few weeks previously. New York Irish-American Weekly, 22nd November 1862.

20 August 1864 Heirs of Deceased Soldiers

The U.S. Army Agency at 64 Bleeker Street must have been a busy place. This advertisement from the New York Irish-American Weekly of 20th August 1864 instructed people how they could go about lodging their claims.

The_Waterford_News_Fri__Apr_24__1863_

The entitlement to pensions based on Civil War service was not restricted to the Irish in America. There were also opportunities for the legal profession in Ireland as a result of the war. This advertisement for R.H. O’Bryan of Queenstown (now Cobh) in Co. Cork is testament to the number of families in Ireland who lost loved ones during the conflict. The Waterford News, 24th April 1863.

Medicines

Throughout the war all sorts of remedies were offered for the assistance of soldier’s at the front. The majority almost certainly provided little benefit. A popular ad targeting not only the soldier’s but their loved ones at home was for Loway’s Pills, which offered to stave of the impact of sickness in the army. This advertisement ran in the New York Irish-American on 31st May 1862.

18 July 1863 Loway Pills

Another advertisement expounds the benefits of Loway’s Pills for the troops, this time from the New York Irish-American of 18th July 1863.

4 April 2863 Radways Ready Relief

A rival to Loway’s was “Radway’s Ready Relief.” This ad from the New York Irish-American Weekly of 4th April 1863 was specifically targeting those with “friends in the army” so that they might buy their product and thus “protect soldiers against sickness.”

Holloway’s- Masters of Advertising

31 October 1863 Holloway PillsOff all the remedies on offer during this period, none rivalled the success of Holloway’s. The company, established in Britain by Thomas Holloway, became famous for driving their sales through advertisement and endorsements. Holloway himself became an extremely wealthy man as a result (money he bequeathed in his will led to the establishment of Royal Holloway College in London). They ran dozens of advertisements through the war in newspapers like the New York Irish-American, offering their product as a cure for every imaginable soldierly-related ailment. This from the Irish-American of 31st October 1863.

Holloway's Ointment & Pills, the "Soldier's True Friend," New York, 1862 (Library of Congress)

Holloway’s Ointment & Pills, the “Soldier’s True Friend,” New York, 1862 (Library of Congress)

21 February 1863 Holloways PillsThis example of a Holloway’s ad, from the Irish-American of 21st February 1863, warns young men considering a soldiery life not to do so without a box of Holloway’s Pills.

17May 1862 Holloway Pills

Providing endorsements from soldiers was a favourite strategy of Holloway’s in their advertising. They also sought to exploit interest in goings-on from the front. This ad from the Irish-American of 17th May 1862 brings news from Yorktown on the Virginia Peninsula. The “T. Hanley” of the 9th New York Cavalry, who endorsed the pills, was a real soldier, Timothy Hanley, who ended the war as Lieutenant-Colonel (Click to Enlarge).

Holloway Pills Detail 5

Another endorsement of Holloway’s Pills from an officer of the 9th Cavalry, who appear to have been particular fans of the remedy! From the New York Irish-American Weekly, 1863.

Holloway Pills Detail 1

In their extensive ads, Holloway’s would claim the pills were beneficial for everything imaginable, even bullet and bayonet wounds. New York Irish-American Weekly, 31st October 1863.

Holloway Pills Detail 4

Another extract from the Holloway’s advertisement aimed at the troops and their families from the Irish-American in 1863. Diarrhoea, dysentry, scurvy, sores and scorfulous eruptions all fall at the feet of this miracle cure.

Holloway Pills Detail 6

The impact of Holloway’s Pills on “coughs and colds affecting troops”, New York Irish American Weekly, 31st October 1863.

4 February 1864 Holloway Pills

In one of the few references to veneral disease from the New York Irish-American– here referred to as “indiscretions of youth”- Holloway’s recommend a combination of their pills and ointment to ensure success. New York Irish-American Weekly, 4th February 1864.

References

New York Irish-American Weekly

Waterford News


Filed under: Irish Brigade, New York Tagged: 1860s Advertisements, Adams' Express, Civil War Advertisements, Civil War Medicine, Holloway's Pills, Irish American Civil War, New York Irish, New York Irish American Weekly

“A Few Spoke Nothing But Gaelic”: In Search of the Irish Language in the American Civil War

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In Philadelphia on 13th February 1868, Owen Curren and Mary Curren gave an affidvait relating to the case of Farrigle Gallagher. Gallagher, a member of the 13th Pennsylvania Cavalry, had died a Prisoner of War at Andersonville. His wife Anne survived him by less than 6 months, dying– likely of T.B.– in December 1864. The Currens were giving evidence in 1868 in an effort to secure a pension on behalf of the Gallagher’s three minor children. However, the Pensions Bureau were concerned that this “Farrigle” Gallagher was not the same man as the “Frederick” Gallagher of Philadelphia they had recorded. The Currens, who had been acquainted with Farrigle for 25 and 30 years respectively, explained the reason behind the confusion:

…Frederick and Farrigle are the one and the same person. That in Ireland, where the said soldier was born and raised, he was called Farrigle which is the same as Frederick. That deceased was born in the County Donegal Ireland and that deponents lived in the same neighborhood with him and that deceased was called by his parents Farrigle. That they were acquainted with the deceased soldier in this country and heard him called Frederick, which (in the language spoken by his parents and inhabitants of the part of Ireland in which he was born) is the same as Farrigle. (1)

Advertisement for Books in the Irish Language, New York Irish-American Weekly, 29th August 1857. Evidence that there was demand among members of the Irish community in the United States for writings in their native-tongue in the immediate Antebellum era (GenealogyBank).

Advertisement for Books in the Irish Language, New York Irish-American Weekly, 29th August 1857. Evidence that there was demand among members of the Irish community in the United States for writings in their native-tongue in the immediate Antebellum era (GenealogyBank).

Accepting this explanation, the Pension Bureau approved the claim, noting that “Testimony of witnesses show identity of “Frederick” + “Farrigle” names are same in Irish language.” Having spent a number of years looking through the Widow’s Pension Files of Irish-American soldiers, this is the only direct reference to the Irish language I have yet come across, despite the fact that many of them must have been native speakers. Hundreds of thousands of those Irish who emigrated following the Great Famine had Irish, not English, as their first language. Kerby Miller estimates that anything up to 27% of Irish emigrants to the United States between 1851 and 1855 spoke Gaelic– over 200,000 people. On the eve of the American Civil War, New York alone may have been home to anything up to 73,000 native Irish speakers. As the vast majority of these people were illiterate and among the poorest members of society, they left behind very little trace in the historical record. Despite this, there seems little doubt that some thousands of those Irish who donned uniform during the Civil War were Irish speakers, and among them were those for whom English was at best poorly understood. (2)

The strength of the Irish language in certain enclaves like New York is evidenced by stories like that of P.J. Kenedy, an American-born member of the Irish community. He was born in 1842 on Mott Street in the Five Points, but despite the fact that he had never been to Ireland, Irish was the language of his home, and he learned it by the fireside with his parents in the heart of Manhattan. In 1857 the literate Irish-speakers of New York received a major boon, when the New York Irish-American Weekly newspaper secured “Irish type” for the first time, specially made in a New York foundry:

Our Irish Type

We have just received, from the celebrated type foundry of Messrs. Conner & Sons, the font of IRISH TYPE which we ordered some time since to be cast specially for this paper…The face of the letter is the same as adopted by the Irish Archaeological Society for their publications; and it has been cast in a manner that reflects much credit on the eminent firm to whom the order was entrusted. (3)

An advertisement for John O'Mahony's translation of Keating's History of Ireland from the New York Irish-American on 29th August 1857, the first year in which Gaelic typescript was used in an American newspaper (GenealogyBank).

An advertisement for John O’Mahony’s translation of Keating’s History of Ireland from the New York Irish-American on 29th August 1857, the first year in which Gaelic typescript was used in an American newspaper (GenealogyBank).

This type allowed the Irish-American to produce articles in Irish script, and they also began a long-standing series aimed at teaching interested readers the language. Much of what was written came from well known figures such as Michael Doheny and John O’Mahony, and their promotion of the language was often closely tied to their wider political goals with respect to Irish independence. Though much of the Irish language content that appeared in the Irish-American during the war years may not have been aimed at the “ordinary” Irish speaker, there is evidence that such people did make use of it. An “Information Wanted” advertisement of 28th February 1863 seeking news of Eugene Connellan, from Skreen, Co. Sligo, was printed in both English and Irish, suggesting not only that the Connellans were native speakers, but also that there were those in the city who preferred (or found it easier?) to communicate through Irish. This strong Irish-speaking community was apparently still going strong in 1865 when the Irish-American advertised a “Lecture in the Irish Language” to take place in the Church of the Transfiguration in Five Points, on the topic of the “Infallibility of the Church.” They confidently asserted that “the Irish-speaking population of this city is large; and an opportunity like the present is seldom afforded of hearing a sermon in our native tongue…” (4)

The bilingual "Information Wanted" advertisement seeking details of Eugene Connellan (Eoin O'Coińillan) from Sligo. New York Irish-American Weekly, 28th February 1863. Evidence that many of the ordinary New York Irish preferred to communicate in their native tongue (GenealogyBank).

The bilingual “Information Wanted” advertisement seeking details of Eugene Connellan (Eoin O’Coińillan) from Sligo. New York Irish-American Weekly, 28th February 1863. Evidence that many of the ordinary New York Irish preferred to communicate in their native tongue (GenealogyBank).

Though there is evidence for Gaelic among the communities from which Irish soldiers were drawn, direct references to them speaking it during the conflict itself are comparatively rare. That at least some did so was attested by William O’Grady, a former British army officer and subsequently a member of the 88th New York Infantry, Irish Brigade. In describing the make up of the 88th, he remarked that:

It may be mentioned that the regiment was practically as alien as the old Irish Brigade in the French Service, comparatively few being citizens [of the United States] by birth. Fully a third were old British soldiers, many of whom had seen service in the Crimean War and the Indian mutiny. One private had been a British officer, and a few spoke nothing but Gaelic when they enlisted from the very gates of Castle Garden. (5)

The fact that at least some of the Irish officers who fought in the conflict could speak Irish was demonstrated by Kenneth E. Nilsen in his analysis of the Irish language in New York. He quotes from an 1878 letter written by David O’Keeffe, describing the demise of the New York branch of the Irish literary Ossianic Society, many of whom were Irish speakers:

In the Fall of 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected, the South seceded; Mr. O’Mahony [John O’Mahony] went to Ireland…Nearly all our members went to the war, and many never came back. As a matter of course, our society got broken up… (6)

Captain Thomas David Norris, 170th New York Infantry, Corcoran's Irish Legion, and veteran of the 69th New York State Militia at the First Battle of Bull Run. Perhaps the most major advocate of the Irish language to serve during the American Civil War (New York State Military Museum).

Captain Thomas David Norris, 170th New York Infantry, Corcoran’s Irish Legion, and veteran of the 69th New York State Militia at the First Battle of Bull Run. Perhaps the most major advocate of the Irish language to serve during the American Civil War (New York State Military Museum).

Whereas the ordinary native-Irish speaking soldier of the American Civil War remains elusive, that is not the case with perhaps the most notable Irish-speaker to serve during the conflict. Thomas D. Norris was born near Killarney, Co. Kerry in 1827, and reportedly emigrated to the United States around 1851. A member of the 69th New York State Militia, he fought with them at First Bull Run (see his letter on that engagement at Bull Runnings here), and like may others of that regiment he elected to wait until Michael Corcoran’s release from Confederate prison before re-enlisting for service in Corcoran’s Irish Legion. He enrolled in the 170th New York Infantry on 28th January 1862, becoming a Lieutenant in Company H, a formation which he had helped to raise. He became Captain of that company on 1st February 1863, was wounded at Petersburg on 16th June 1864, and was discharged from the service on 22nd May 1865. After the war he stayed active in veteran’s affairs, being a member of the Mansfield Post of the Grand Army of the Republic. Immediately after the conflict he opened a Saloon at 362 Cherry Street in New York, but afterwards went to work with the Bonded Warehouse in the city. Of all his accomplishments, Norris was best known for his skills with the Irish language; the Irish-American described how he was:

…one of the most enthusiastic advocates of the Irish language renaisance, and was prominent in the starting of the Bowery Irish Language School of New York. His contributions in the old language, have been, for many years, familiar to our readers, since the starting of the “Gaelic Department,” in the IRISH-AMERICAN, in 1857. The action of our people, here, in this direction, compelled the Irish scholars, at home, to take the steps that led to the establishment of the “Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language;” and in the attainment of that result Captain Norris,– by his writings and his generous personal contributions, financially and otherwise, – was one of the leading efficients. (7)

Cherry Street, Manhattan, as it appears today. In 1865 Thomas Norris opened a Saloon here, presumably a location where hearing the Irish language spoken was commonplace.

Norris, who “taught the Irish language whenever he could,” was a prominent voice in many Irish publications in the latter part of the 19th century, particularly with respect to the promotion of his native tongue. Many of his writings addressed issues such as the appropriate grammar to be utilised when speaking or writing as-Gaeilge. Perhaps the most remarkable is the address that Norris wrote for Democratic President Grover Cleveland. Norris presented it to the President in person at The White House on 6th March 1885, the day following his inauguration. It demonstrated, according to the Irish-American, how “the Old Tongue of the Gael” was being kept “in the front of the march of nations.” When President Cleveland was married in 1886, Norris again took up his pen to write a congratulatory address in Irish, which survives as a broadside. (8)

The address presented by Captain Norris to President Clevland at The White House on the day following his inauguration. Reproduced in the New York Irish-American on 21st March 1885 (GenealogyBank).

The address presented by Captain Norris to President Cleveland at The White House on the day following his inauguration. Reproduced in the New York Irish-American on 21st March 1885 (GenealogyBank).

Thomas D. Norris passed away in Brooklyn in January 1900, and was buried in Calvary Cemetery. The extent to which he used his language skills during the course of the American Civil War is a matter of conjecture, but he surely commanded a number of men who were native speakers, and with whom it would have been natural for him to converse with in Irish. Despite the paucity of evidence, the sheer number of native speakers present in the United States in 1861 means there can be little doubt that Irish was heard on many of the battlefields of the war, from Gettysburg to Chickamauga. Indeed it was perhaps in the red-hot heat of battle that one was most likely to hear Irish, as native speakers fell back on their native tongue during times of great stress. For some it may have been the last language to emanate from their lips. I am interested to hear from readers who may have come across other references to the use of Irish during the Civil War, if you have, please feel free to share them with us in the comments section. (9)

The broadside prepared by Captain Norris for President Clevland on the occasion of his weeding (Library of Congress)

The broadside prepared by Captain Norris for President Cleveland on the occasion of his wedding (Library of Congress)

The English translation of Captain Norris's address on the occasion of President Cleveland's marriage (Library of Congress)

The English translation of Captain Norris’s address on the occasion of President Cleveland’s marriage (Library of Congress)

(1) Gallagher Pension File; (2) Miller 1985, 580; Nilsen 1996, 254; (3) Nilsen 1996, 258; New York Irish-American 18th July 1857; (4) Nilsen 1996, 263; New York Irish-American 28th February 1863; New York Irish-American 22nd April 1865; (5) O’Grady 1902, 511; (6) Nilsen 1996, 265; (7) New York Irish-American 20th January 1900; New York Irish World 27th January 1900; New York Irish American 19th August 1865; 170th New York Roster; (8) New York Irish World 27th January 1900, New York Irish-American 4th February 1888; New York Irish-American 21st March 1885; Library of Congress American Memory: Congratulatory Address to Grover Cleveland; (9) New York Irish-American 20th January 1900; New York Irish World 27th January 1900.

References

Dependent Children’s Pension File of Farrigle Gallagher, 13th Pennsylvania Cavalry, Company B, WC109448.

New York Irish American Weekly.

New York Irish World.

Roster of the 170th New York Infantry.

A Congratulatory Address to Grover Cleveland President of the United States. On the occasion of his marriage, in June, 1886, By Thomas D. Norris, late Capt. 170th Regt. New York Volunteers. Library of Congress Printed Ephemera Collection, Portfolio 129, Folder 31.

Miller, Kerby A. 1985. Emigrants and Exiles: Ireland and the Irish Exodus to North America.

Nilsen, Kenneth E. 1996. “The Irish Language in New York, 1850-1900” in Ronald H. Bayor & Timothy J. Meagher (eds.) The New York Irish, 252-274.

O’Grady, W.L.D. 1902. “88th Regiment Infantry” in New York Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and Chattanooga, Final Report on the Battlefield of Gettysburg, Volume 2, 510-516.

New York State Military Museum Carte de Visite for Captain Thomas Norris.


Filed under: 170th New York, Corcoran's Irish Legion, Discussion and Debate, Donegal, Kerry, New York Tagged: 19th Century Irish Speakers, Foreign Language in the Civil War, Gaelic Irish in America, Irish American Civil War, Irish Language in America, Irish Language in New York, Kerry in America, New York Irish American Weekly

“Our Ironclads on the James River”: The Collected Correspondence of “Garryowen”

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During the Civil War, newspapers frequently published correspondence written by soldiers and sailors at the front. Some servicemen took the opportunity to act as quasi-reporters for particular publications, ensuring that their views and opinions regularly appeared in print. In May 1864, letters from an Irishman who went by the pen name Garryowen began to appear in the pages of the New York Irish-American. Over the course of the months that followed, he wrote at least 25 letters that were made available to readersThough the identity of Garryowen is unknown, we know he served as a Fireman aboard the ironclad USS Onondaga, and was presumably (based upon his chosen nom de plume) a native of Limerick. His correspondence offers a detailed insight into Union naval operations on the James River in the last year of the war, particularly with respect to activity at the Dutch Gap Canal, an effort to bypass a bend in the James and in so doing avoid formidable Confederate forts. The letters describe in detail the Onondaga‘s operations, including the actions she participated in, the construction of the canal, and interactions with the Confederates. There are frequent insights into life aboard ship: how the men passed the time, camaraderie and tensions among the crew, and the occasional excitement brought about by famous visitors, such as Abraham Lincoln and Thomas Francis Meagher. Garryowen was also an ardent Democrat and Fenian, and often took the opportunity to outline his positions on politics in both America and Ireland, providing an excellent insight into views that were shared by many serving Irishmen. As an addition to the Resources section of the site, I have sought to gather and transcribe Garryowen’s correspondence for the benefit of readers. Below you will find 25 of his letters, written between May 1864 and April 1865, which amount to over 20,000 words of correspondence from this Irish sailor. If I identify any further letters from Garryowen I will add them to this resource. The date of their original publication in the Irish-American is contained within square brackets.

A view of the U.S.S. Onondaga on the James River during the American Civil War (Library of Congress)

A view of the U.S.S. Onondaga on the James River during the American Civil War (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 14 May 1864]

THE MONITOR “ONONDAGO”

U.S. MONITOR “ONONDAGO,”

JAMES RIVER, May 3, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- I am in receipt of my old friend and companion, the IRISH AMERICAN, for which I return many thanks. As I promised that you should hear from me occasionally, I will redeem that promise, though my facilities for writing are very meagre, however, the few spare moments I have I shall devote to letting you know of our progress since we left New York. We weighed anchor and proceeded from the Navy Yard on Monday afternoon, the 18th ult., and went down without any accident or interruption as far as Sandy Hook, the ship working to the satisfaction of all concerned; the weather being considered boisterous, we remained opposite the “Hook” until the Thursday following, when we started on our mission of death and destruction, for which purpose our “iron cave” (as I may call it,) was constructed. Saturday morning Cape Henry lighthouse hove in view, which indicated a speedy arrival at our then destination and about 10 o’clock we anchored off Fortress Monroe. We remained here until evening, when we went further up the river about ten miles, where we are now at anchor, fully prepared for any emergency. Our armor, or fighting material, consists of four heavy guns, two in each turret, of fifteen inch smooth bore and eight inch rifle, respectively, together with numerous small arms.

Our ship, it will be observed, is constructed with all iron, even the deck, with the addition of a timber deck laid over the iron one. She is considered one of the most formidable of the Monitors, and is looked upon to accomplish great results, as it is supposed that no shot can take effect on her, and when in action, all hands are down below, every man at his post. We are bound for “On to Richmond,” and, of course, will find it a “hard road to travel,” of which, however, I intend to keep you posted. More soon.

Yours very truly,

A GARRYOWEN BOY.

Officers on the deck of the U.S.S. Onondaga. The identity of the Irish correspondent, 'Garryowen', has not been established (National Archives)

Officers on the deck of the U.S.S. Onondaga. (National Archives)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 28 May 1864]

FROM THE IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGO”

U.S. MONITOR “ONONDAGO,”

JAMES RIVER, May 10, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- On the 5th instant we started with the “James River Expedition,” to combine with the army in the taking of “Richmond.” The expedition consisted of about a half dozen monitors, ten or fifteen gunboats and a numerous quantity of transports and tugs with troops on board, which they landed at a given point. The day was beautifully fine, and the mustering and starting of so many vessels was indeed magnificent, while it conveyed the impression that some hot work was near at hand, which “Uncle Sam’s” boys are eager for, in order to subdue the rebellion at once and go home. Nothing of importance occurred on the passage to attract attention until towards evening, when, while near as far as we wanted to go, a rebel “torpedo” struck the gunboat Eutaw, and sank her and some of her crew. So many stories are told about her that I can’t decide which to send; perhaps it is no difference. Enough that the boat is a total loss, with the most of her crew. So much for rebel ingenuity.

We are quietly lying at anchor here, twenty miles below Richmond, with everything ready for action at a moment’s notice, as our Lieut. Commander Cushman, is a most energetic man, and one the “rebs” will find hard to catch “napping.” Last Sunday morning, he addressed the “boys” on a matter of morality and discipline. He referred to reports reaching him of thieves being among the crew, as several articles, such as money, clothes, &c., were missing. He was sorry such was the case, but he could not admit that thieves were about; he attributed the loss to the forgetfulness and carelessness of the men themselves in putting away things for safety, and forgetting where they put them. He [illegible] several instance of this and cited them; but [illegible] disgraceful epithet of thief be discovered and attached to any one he should [illegible] him at once. He then congratulated the crew on their manly bearing and their willingness and despatch in obeying orders and promptness in executing them, and several other themes which I have not space nor time to mention. He spoke in a feeling, good-natured manner, which character fully abides in him, together with being a gentleman, a seaman, and a scholar.

The fire department, that most important part of the ship, is ably and skilfully officered, the chief engineer, Mr. Henderson, being a gentleman of superior mechanical attainments, and of a kind, friendly disposition, and unceasing in attending to his duties, of which he is a perfect master. His assistants, Messrs. Hull and Lewis, are equally assiduous in performing their duties, and are accomplished gentlemen, the latter being rather more communicative than most officers of this rank are- pleasant and agreeable, and will crack a joke with the boys, and with all that, get their work done up to the mark. Take them all in all, we have a good set of officers, a bully crew, and a ship that defies all the shot and shell the rebels will let fly at her; and when Richmond is taken, as it must be, and the rebellion subdued, then we will head our iron monster across the Atlantic and anchor in “Bantry Bay,” where we will soon plant the “Green above the Red.”

Very truly yours,

A GARRYOWEN BOY.

USS Onondaga on the James River (Library of Congress)

USS Onondaga on the James River (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 11 June 1864]

FROM THE JAMES’ RIVER FLEET

U.S. MONITOR “ONONDAGA,”

JAMES’ RIVER, VA., May 26, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American

While the roar of distant cannon is daily ringing through our ears, and while the hostile parties on both sides of us are measuring their strength and manuring the soil of Virginia with their hearts’ blood, we are remaining comparatively idle in the James, notwithstanding that the sensational reporters of the New York press would have their readers to understand that we have been in three or four engagements. Now, for the information of your half million readers, such are simply lies, concocted, no doubt, to magnify the importance of our presence here, and to gratify a hungry public with sensational news. Of the movements of the army I cannot say anything; but until such time as they can approximate the defences of Richmond much more closely we don’t expect to make any successful movement; at which time, however, you may rely that the Monitors will render a good account of themselves, especially the Onondaga. When she gets within range of Fort Darling, you may rely on seeing rebels scatter, with shot and shell in hot pursuit after them. Though not actually engaged in fighting, we are improving the time by making every preparation-occasionally sending one of our messengers of death through the woods to keep off prowling guerillas, as we now and then get reports that they are locating themselves along the river. In such cases we proceed to the scene of operations, when they seem to anticipate our movements and make themselves scarce.

I am just in receipt of a letter from home with the announcement that my young friend and companion, John Nash, had also joined the navy and sailed in the steamer or gunboat “Ostego” for these quarters. Well, just before the arrival of the letter bearing this intelligence, the steamer had passed us, going further up the river- the crew were waving their hats and handkerchiefs at us as they passed, but, not knowing at the time that my young friend was on board, I did not look particularly to see him, but now suppose he was one of those greeting us, he knowing I was on board here. The columns of the IRISH-AMERICAN have borne ample testimony to the bravery, chivalry and undaunted pluck of many an Irishman in the bloody contest now waging, but I doubt if any of them- even those who have sealed their devotion to the flag with their life’s blood- can outrival the genuine patriotism and high dashing spirit of young Nash. Having served two years in the Hawkins’ Zouaves, through all the battles they have been in, and their time having expired, they were honorably discharged; and now we find him ready to offer on the altar of his country, in a different branch of its service, his life for the preservation of those laws which secured to him and his countrymen peace and happiness. All honor to such noble principles, and may “He, who tempereth the wind to the shorn lamb,” protect and guard my young hero friend and companion, and return him safe home to the bosom of an attached father and mother and loving brothers and sisters; and may our unfortunate country soon enjoy peace, comfort and pleasure for her citizens, a consummation most devoutly wished for, but not until the Stars and Stripes shall wave triumphantly over every strip of land from Maine to Texas and from New York to New Orleans. Devotedly yours, &c.,

A GARRYOWEN BOY.

The USS Onondaga drawn by Alfred Waud (Library of Congress)

The USS Onondaga drawn by Alfred Waud (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 9 July 1864]

THE ONONDAGO IN ACTION

U.S. IRON CLAD “ONONDAGO”

“DUTCH GAP,” JAMES RIVER,

VA., June 22d, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

I avail myself of the earliest opportunity to inform the numerous readers of your journal of our recent actual engagement with the “Rebels.” The dull monotony which prevailed in this part of the river for the past few weeks was broken yesterday, by the whizzing of balls and shells around us. In order to allay the anxiety of those fond ones who are represented on board here by husbands, brothers, and sons. I will state that “nobody is hurt,” notwithstanding a vigorous fire was kept up for about six hours. Tuesday, the 21st of June, will be long remembered by the crew of the “Onondago,” as the day she, for the first time, encountered the enemy. Well and nobly she acted her part, and sustained the reputation she so richly deserves as being “monarch of all she surveys.” We were aware for some time that the rebels intended to build a battery some two miles above us on the ben of the river, and we occasionally sent a few shells daily in that direction, not having water enough in the river to ascend higher;- but notwithstanding our efforts to baffle them, they succeeded in firmly establishing themselves in the place designated. In order more clearly to illustrate our position, I might say that the course of the river in this locality resembles that of a “horse shoe”- with our four monitors, viz. Onondago, Tecumseh, Canonicus, and Saugus, at the left hand heel, the rebel battery at the toe, and the rebel iron clads at the right hand heel, from whence they can send us their respects across the peninsula thus formed, in the shape of shell and shot, which, however, is at random, as we are not visible to them, nor they to us: but their movements in the battery we can easily discern with the aid of a glass. At noon, on the day mentioned, the Tecumseh opened fire on the battery, which, to our surprise and consternation, elicited a reply from that quarter in the shape of a shell going whiz-zr-zr-zr over our heads; while eating dinner on deck under the awning, as is our wont this fine warm weather. Such a gathering up of tinpots, pans, mess-kettles, &c., &c., was never before seen, and the jokes and larks which usually prevail on such assemblages, were quietly dispensed with, and more sedate and solemn countenances substituted. A general rush was made for the hatchway; every man feeling that he had a duty to perform, and in less time that it takes to mention it, all hands were at “quarters.” We kept up a vigorous fire alternatively from both our “turrets,” accompanied by the other “monitors,” until night. The rebels, on the other hand, were no way sparing in their efforts to cripple us, as their shot and shell flew around, about, above, and below us; but failed to hit us at any time, except a small splinter of a shell which scratched our deck a little, doing no damage whatever.

What casualties occurred among the “Rebels,” I cannot say; but we observed that we dismounted one of their guns, and if not some of themselves, it is, indeed, marvellous. Today everything is quiet, and only that the President has come to visit us, everything would wear its usual aspect;- but, true enough, “Uncle Abraham” is in our midst, on a tour if inspection, I presume; he came on board here, just as I was writing, accompanied by his young son, Lieut. Gen. Grant, Major-Gen. Butler, and a host of gold laced gents of lesser note; they remained about twenty minutes, when they again departed. There were no demonstrations made, on our part, to receive them, and they came and we as other less distinguished visitors do.

Yours very truly,

A GARRYOWEN BOY.

The USS Onondaga on the James (Library of Congress)

The USS Onondaga on the James (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 27 August 1864]

OUR IRON-CLADS ON THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

August 14, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- The dull monotony which prevailed here for some time past, was somewhat disturbed yesterday morning by the rebels opening upon us from their batteries and iron-clads on the other side of the Peninsula, which the curve in the river here forms. Your readers will no doubt recollect that in a former letter I compared the course of the river in this vicinity to a horse shoe, and my remembering the similitude they will more clearly understand or recognize our position. In the early part of the week, it was deemed necessary (for purposes which I am not at liberty to relate,) to transfer a portion of General Butler’s forces to the Peninsula so formed- or, otherwise, to the north side of the river- under cover of our monitors, which was accordingly done: and, in a short time, there appeared to our view quite a city of canvass houses. The enemy, as it subsequently appeared, were not slow in discovering this movement, and, anticipating further encroachments, concluded to interrupt the proceedings and give us as much annoyance as possible. As their “navy”, so-called is confined to a limited sphere of action, they availed themselves of this opportunity of giving practical evidence of their existence- (the distance from the camp to their anchorage being no more than two miles, and consequently within range,)- they commenced a vigorous shelling early in the morning;- but, providentially, our boys- as if anticipating this attack- had struck tents the night before, and moved farther back and away from the original settlement. Owing to this “change of base,” the rebels were foiled in their expectations. As it is though, they did considerable damage, having killed some 10 or 12, and wounded about 30- all soldiers. As numerous shells exploded and ploughed the parched earth about the original camp-ground, it was lucky that the change had taken place, or else the result would have been dreadful: but, taking a wide range of the country in their efforts to cripple us, a few stray shots landed in the right place and produced the result mentioned. Of course there was a great consternation about the camp, as we caw large bodies of soldiers hurrying to and fro, and unusual activity among our fleet. Everything was immediately put into fighting trim; decks cleared; hammocks “piped” up: the watch below aroused from their quiet slumbers; “all hands to quarters;” and every preparation on our part made to participate in the melee, should occasion require or an opportunity offer. our land batteries- of which there are 3 or 4- replied promptly and, I have no doubt, successfully. The south bank of the river, where they are located, commanded a high eminence, thereby affording the guns ample scope for sending their respects across to the enemy; hence it is that the bed of the river is too low to admit of our being essential participants in the affray. It is only when their “rams” or “Iron-clads” attempt to emerge from their pent-up condition, that we have a little exercise at them-an exercise that will result in another Alabama termination.

A little after the firing commenced, the mail steamer Wilderness proceeded on her way down to City Point, when a shell exploded over her, and only by her great speed she managed to evade it, it dropping right at her stern in the water. You may be sure her paddles executed some marvellous quick revolutions that time, and she “hugged” the shore closer than is customary. We tried some half-dozen rounds, but, seeing we accomplished no good, soon ceased. In the evening, Gen. Butler, with a portion of his staff, came on board and held a consultation with out brave and determined Captain and heroic Lieutenant Commander. What transpired I, of course, know not: and if I did, it would not do any one else any good. The General did not remain long, when he left for his headquarters. Thus ended one day’s operations, such as we were unaccustomed to, at least in this part of the river.

One of our seamen, named John Sullivan, a native of the county Cork, got severely wounded here a few days ago. It appears he was extricating a rifle from among a pile of them, when it went off- having been laid away loaded- the ball entering the fleshy part of his hand under the thumb, passing through the wrist, and then through the calf of his leg. The latter wound is not dangerous; the hand, it was first thought, would have to be amputated; but I subsequently learned that it would not be necessary to do so, and that he is getting along very well. He is at present in the Norfolk Marine Hospital. Sullivan was a kind, open-hearted, agreeable man, thorough going Irish nationalist, a practical seaman, and an experienced man-of-wars-man, having seen a good deal of service as such, both in the British and American navies. He told me several times that he declared on the quarter-deck of a British, in the presence of his superior officer-of course thoroughly British- that he hoped he would not die until he would avenge the wrongs done his native land by the government which he had the misfortune to serve under; a desire which he still cherishes, and hopes the day is not far distant when he can execute it. Truly might he repeated the concluding lines of one of the Immortal Davis’s best national songs:-

-“Never as a skulking slave I’ll tread my native soil on:

But were she free or to be fre’d, the battle’s close would fine me.

To Ireland bound, no message need from the girl I left behind me.”

More anon,

GARRYOWEN.

The USS Onondaga on the James (Library of Congress)

The USS Onondaga on the James (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 3 September 1864]

OUR IRON-CLADS ON THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA.”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

August 21, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- Since my last addressing you, this place has assumed a more warlike appearance than heretofore, inasmuch as a large portion of the Army of the Potomac have been transferred to the north side of the James in this vicinity, where they have been hotly engaged, attended with success, during the past week. Of their immediate movements I cannot with certainty speak; nor do I feel inclined to draw on my imagination as to their results. Such an undertaking I will leave in the hands of the “indefatigables” of the New York dailies, who can pander to the appetite of a greedy public with all kinds of sensational news, true or otherwise: my desire being to furnish your readers with a reliable account of the position of affairs in this vicinity, and particularly of the part we ourselves play in this great drama of “The Life or Death of the Nation.”

The cutting of a canal here- I might say abreast of us- will, it is presumed, afford us an opportunity to develop our great power to crush the stronghold of rebellion; for, once within range of their forts and fortifications, we have no doubt of our ability to silence them and open the way for the “Grand Army” to pass through. I refrained from mentioning about this canal in my last least it might be contraband to do so: but seeing the operation fully reported in the New York dailies I feel myself no longer restrained. While on this subject I would like to ask what is the good of prohibiting one class of people from giving details- especially through the columns of a weekly paper- when another class is allowed to parade them before the world, at a time when they are scarcely commenced. Surely such information, through the daily press, reaches the rebel capital inside of forty-eight hours. But “He that runs may read.”

There has been considerable artillery duelling here this week between our batteries and the “Reb’s,” the avowed object of the latter being to annoy us or drive us away from our canal operations. But they “can’t do it.” Their range, so far, is decidedly wide of the mark, and, consequently, “the work goes bravely on.”

Gen. T.F. Meagher is on a visit to the “seat of war;” and, after viewing the canal operations, came on board our “Iron Home,” accompanying Major-Gen. Butler and a portion of his staff. Gen. Meagher was dressed in civilian’s clothes, but was soon recognized, though no demonstrations were made to convey that idea. The party remained about an hour, when they departed towards “Crow’s Nest,” where horses were waiting to convey them to headquarters.

The war clouds are hovering around us, the booming of guns are ringing in my ear as I write: and every indication that we will be soon engaged in a mighty struggle is apparent; but we have no fears, the Onondaga and her noble officers and crew will be heard from with tidings of joy and victory, that will neutralise the glorious achievements at Mobile, and cast a halo of renown over the names of Captain Smith and Lieut. Commander Cushman, equalled only by the Barrys, Perrys, &c., of our glorious navy. Hurrah, then, for the canal; and, then- “On to Richmond.”

GARRYOWEN.

[New York Irish-American Weekly 10 September 1864]

The commencement of the Dutch Gap Canal (Library of Congress)

The commencement of the Dutch Gap Canal (Library of Congress)

OUR NAVY IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

August 29, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- The past week has closed in greater quietude than I anticipated at the commencement, as the appearance of affairs at that time warranted me in predicting. We are not, however, without showing signs of our vitality, as we daily send a few shots from our land batteries in order to “keep the ball moving;” but it must not be inferred that we have all the fun to ourselves, as the enemy reciprocate with their usual promptness, their efforts, however, resulting only in the old Abrahamish conclusion of “Nobody hurt.”

The work on the canal still goes on vigorously, notwithstanding reports to the contrary which I have read in the New York papers. Indeed, one at the scene of action is amazed at the extraordinary exaggerations which occupy the columns of that press. For instance, we were reported once or twice as being engaged with the rebel rams, and having forced them to retire. We have not the least doubt of our ability to do so, or capture them; but that such a thing happened, has no foundation outside the imaginative brains of the author or inventor of the falsehood. The rams alluded to are ensconced in some secure corner or bend of the river, at a safe distance above us; and no inducement on our part will tempt them to “come on,” a la MacDuff. As is generally known, there is not sufficient water to allow us to ascend the river any higher, or else the rebel navy would ere now have been numbered among the things that are past- hence our present inactivity. But, as it is, we are of incalculable value, inasmuch as the rams aforesaid (in case of our withdrawal) would have no formidable enemy to encounter in their descent, and would sweep the river from City Point to Hampton Roads, thereby cutting off the supplies which are absolutely necessary for maintaining our grand army in the field. Thus it is that we are the “Gibraltar of the James.” Our glorious and time-honored banner, the “Stars and Stripes,” waves defiantly and triumphantly from our flag-staff. Our noble officers and heroic crew (as fine specimens of humanity as ever decorated the decks of any navy in the world,) are eager for the fray. Our sole ambition is to re-establish the principles and laws of our government as we found them, and as they have heretofore protected us and guranteed us the right of freemen and citizenship,- and if these rights and privileges have been impeded during the prosecution of the war, the government nevertheless stands, and we mean that it shall stand. Let us, then, make on more great effort, and the rebellion that had its back-bone “broken” some time ago at Fort Donelson and Shilo, will have its pedestals knocked from under it now; when we can once more retire in peace and comfort, and spend the evening of our life with our families, under our own “vine and fig tree,” with the consolation that we have fought the good fight and restored the Union and the government which was a shield and an asylum to the oppressed of all nations of the world; and henceforth our motto shall be- “Give us Liberty, or give us death.”

Yours, &c.,

GARRYOWEN.

The Dutch Gap Canal during construction (Library of Congress)

The Dutch Gap Canal during construction (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 24 September 1864]

OUR NAVY IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

Sept. 6, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- The events of the past week have been comparatively dull; in fact, with the exception of a few occasional shots exchanged by our land batteries, we would suppose peace reigned supreme. We are, nevertheless, making gigantic preparations for that eventful moment when order “On to Richmond” will be given. Our canal is progressing rapidly and favorably. Our army is making slow but sure progress- the news is cheering and healthful from all parts. Atlanta is taken, which animates us equivalent to a reinforcement of men and ships. Our courage and determination is undaunted- our faith in pursuing it, are glorious beyond precedent; therefore, in a “little while,” when the cheering news of the fall of Mobile and Atlanta will have died away with the evening breeze, will come flashing over the wires the crowning glorious news that Richmond is ours. Rely on it, the last ditch is made- the last man occupies it: but a storm is gathering, the clouds look dark and troublesome, the waves of the James seem agitated, and a tornado is about bursting forth that will sweep in its course the last vestige of rebel power and authority from the throne it so long occupies. In accomplishing this great and noble purpose I frequently marvel over the unwarrantable credit which native Americans (as they call themselves,) claim in this connection, as they preface their remarks with the expressions, “I was born and bred in America, and, as such, wouldn’t yield to no d–––––d rebel one iota,” &c. Now, it appears to me that there are men who were born and bred out of America as self-sacrificing and patriotic as many defunct knights of the “dark lantern.” “I was born and bred in America”- as much as to say, I have more interest in the affairs of my country than you who have come here dependent on our hospitality and industry. Away with such cunning, narrow-minded expressions- it would be superfluous to refute them. But I would tell my “born and bred in America” friends, that the history of this war will chronicle as much, if not more, imported heroism, bravery, pluck, gallantry, and devotedness to the American Union than any “born or bred” fanatic can lay claim to. Such expressions are calculated to alienate the ties which should bind the native and adopted citizen, and the sooner they are discontinued the better. “That’s what’s the matter.”

Several refugees, contrabands, and deserters have come on board this last week; in fact, we have more or less of them every day, and their reports of the condition of the Southern people is humiliating, if we could indulge in any compassion for them; but that they are tired and sick of the war, there is no doubt, and only pant for the opportunity to safely declare themselves so. Our middling-well-to-do Northern families ought to consider awhile on their situation and that of their Southern neighbors- rebels though they are- and thank God they are enabled to keep “the wolf from the door,” and not have him prowling about empty culinary departments, as in the case of the “first families of Virginia.”

GARRYOWEN.

A USCT picket station near Dutch Gap Canal (Library of Congress)

A USCT picket station near Dutch Gap Canal (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 8 October 1864]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

THE NAVY AND ARMY SURE FOR McCLELLAN

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

Sept. 26th, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- The calm which precedes the storm is evidently upon us, as these last two weeks have passed over us tolerably quiet enough, though our quasi friends are determined that we should hear from them occasionally. I dare say they wouldn’t have any great objection to our stayinf here, if we’d only keep still; but when we keep cutting canals-erecting signal stations and “lookouts,” so as their movements can be discovered and immediately signalized- they can’t endure it; hence they employ all the faculties of their artillerists to annoy us, and, if possible, dismay us. To this end we daily receive their compliments, in good, round, solid shot and shells, from “Howlett’s Battery” and others in that vicinity. The great objects of their wrath are the canal operatives, in whose direction they have wsted an immense quantity of ammunition, without accomplishing any result, and the new signal tower recently erected by General Butler. This tower is built on a bluff known as “Crow’s Nest,” and is about 160 feet high from the bed of the river. It commands a view of Richmon and the surrounding country: and, consequently, of great annoyance to the enemy, who spare no efforts to demolish it: their balls fly in every direction about it, but so far have failed to hit it; and during this terrible target shotting, the “look outs,” on duty on top of it, remain, with signal-flag in hand, as unconcerned as the boy on the tree stealing apples, when the old man pelted him with tufts of grass. As our anchorage is immediately under this tower, you may guess we are kept on the qui vive; and though it may appear strange, it is nevertheless true, that this cannonading-though kept up vigorously- scarcely receives from us a passing notice, now that we are so accustomed to it. It was not so in the beginning, when we would hear a report of a gun it would attract our attention, and looks in all directions would be given to see where it came from; but, being metamorphosed into “old salts,” we now keep on the even tenor of our way, merely exclaiming, as the balls go whizzing bu us, “Go in, lemons.”

On last Wednesday and this morning, we were served with an extra dose of their medicine; they distributed their pills with an unusual degree of lavishness- in fact, we thought pandemonium was let loose upon us; but a few of our fifteen-inch and one hundred and fifty pound rifle soon ceased their vomiting, not caring, no doubt, to indulge too free in a game that more than one can play at.

We have had an unusual number of deserters from the “rebs” this week, who give a most gloomy account of affairs from where they left. The narratives of their escapes would furnish a few excellent items for the indefatagables of the dailles, and probably one or two from “your own” may not be out of place. It will be observed that their army at “Howlett’s Battery,” and in that neighborhood, are only divided from ours by the river, and this is one great obstacle they have to overcome in order to reach us: the other is the great difficulty to evade the sharp look-out kept upon all men, as there is a perfect reign of terror and surveillance on them; but, not withstanding all this, a man determined to be free, will be so at all hazards. Some that I have conversed with, escaped in this manner: They would procure a plank, and hide it away until their opportunity arrived; then taking advantage of the darkness of the night, and if two are together- which is generally so- they pile their clothes in a bundle on the plan, and one go to each end,  paddle with one hand and hold on with the other- and, as “Leander swan the Hellespont,” so they go. Once on the other side, they are within our lines, and find no difficulty in reaching us. As our captain is senior and division officer, we are the flagship pro. tem., and consequently all deserters, &c., are conducted on board her for examination, from whence they are sent North, rejoicing. Another instance of escape, and I am done on the subject. An intelligent (not contraband), well-educated young man, who was book-keeper in Richmond, ran the gauntlet from there this week and related to me his modus operandi. He was returning from dinner to his place of business, when he was tipped on the shoulder and told to “mark time,” and then toddle along to the camp of instruction for new recruits. “It’s a military necessity,” said his captors; and having no other alternative, go he should, and did. He got to the camp about 4 o’clock, and was for two mortal long hours a rebel soldier, when he skedaddled at 6 P.M. and headed for Yankee land. He is a shrewd, calculating young man, and knew how to “dodge” his jailers. Having a reasonable share of “Confederate scrip,” he secured the services of a guide for $150, and exchanged $360 (Confederate) for $10 in greenbacks; but his guide stole away from him at a particular period, when he then had to go it alone. Previous to stating, he procured a military coat, cap, haversack, and rifle. Thus equipped, he got along very well until he came in sight of the pickets. Fearing they would discover him, he lay down in a brush pile at the end of a corn field, not daring to stir; and to make matters worse, the pickets would turn their horses (they were cavalry) into the corn field to fodder, and would not be more than five or six yards from my hero. They took turn about at this business until morning, when they scattered; and my friend availing himself of this opportunity, started again, after being al night in the one predicament, not daring to stir. He did not go far, however, when he met another line of pickets (infantry), who immediately observed him. He was sure this time he was “gone up.” Seeing a picket approach him, he screwed himself up and prepared for strategy, which his “gift of gab” enabled him to do. Addressing the picket, he asks him-

“Any of our men pass around here?”

“What men?”

“Captain Clark’s scouts.”

“No; haven’t seen them. They might be around, though.”

“I know they are,” quoth skedaddler, “for I parted them a few minutes ago. I reckon I’ll find them.”

And he passed on without further ceremony or suspicion. His next difficulty was to find the way, which he did after great privation and hardships, he being 58 hours coming a journey that might be accomplished in six, and all that time without food or water. He is a Canadian by birth, and evidently able to account for himself. He was perfectly well satisfied with our manner of treatment, and expressed himself so; as, in fact, all of them do, as well they might, for they receive the same rations as ourselves, and are welcomed as though they were our brothers.

I fear I am trespassing too much on your valuable space; but I crave your indulgence this time, as there is one topic to which I cannot well refrain from, and that is the deep rooted and matchless sympathy of our “boys” for General McClellan. The surrender and occupation of Richmond by our troops could not have elicited more applause than his nomination at Chicago did; and his subsequent letter of acceptance caps the climax. Since the days of Jackson, no such candidate has appeared before the American people: and his election will be as unanimous as his nomination. Republican papers may labor under the belief- and try and gull their readers into the same- that the army and navy are not for McClellan; but I know the contrary. Let peace men dodge the question as they may, and clamor for peace on any terms, we want no such howl as that; we want only the peace which McClellan can permanently secure to us- the Union, the whole Union, and nothing but the Union, “at all hazards.” We (the crew of the Onondaga,) would suffer our bodies to be driven as a stake and burned, rather than submit to the Jeff Davis oligarchy; but, from recent information, I know that now he don’t represent the feelings or wish of the Southern people. With McClellan in the White House, the Southerners will lay down their arms, return to their allegiance, and “sin no more.” Rally, then, around our glorious young Chief; and in the ides of November such an overwhelming victory will be gained as to echo from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and across to our own dear native isle, cheering the despondent and elevating the down-hearted, whose throbbing hearts beat pitifully at the scenes enacted on this side of the Atlantic, their only refuge from tyranny and oppression.

Yours, very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

The USS Onondaga at Aiken's Landing during a prisoner exchange (Library of Congress)

The USS Onondaga at Aiken’s Landing during a prisoner exchange (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 22 October 1864]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

“DUTCH GAP,” JAMES RIVER, VA.,

October 17th, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- Since the late advance of Gen. Butler’s forces to the north side of the river, matters have remained comparatively quite hereabouts; but it having been observed from our signal tower that the enemy were strengthening their position, we immediately determined to dislodge them. On Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday of this week, we opened on them from both turrets at intervals, and on Wednesday evening we kept up a vigorous fire for about three hours, during which time we drove them from their rifle pits, scattering them promiscuously. They considered that locality rather too hot for them, and have taken themselves to more secure quarters. We have likewise “squatted” a large portion of prisoners around the canal “diggings” to protect our operatives in that important work, so that hereafter, any shells bursting around these will tell fearfully on the rebels themselves- a la Charleston. Since this move, their firing has been like an angels’ visits, “few and far between,’ and the week’s war news might be summed up thus, “all quiet on the James.”

Since my last, we were visited by Admiral Porter, who, it appears, is to command this fleet, and not Farragut, as was reported. From Admiral Porter’s reputation, and ably assisted as he will be by our gallant Captain (Smith), who is one of the most skilful and experienced officers in the service, you need not be surprised at hearing stirring news from here shortly. Preparations are going on which will startle the nation, and cause such a panic in the gold market, as to create a furore.

The coming Presidential election is daily assuming more preponderance, and as the time is approaching, the chances for “Little Mac” are increasing. If the action of the crew of the “Gibralter of the James” be any criterion- and I see no reason why it should not- the hero of “Antietam” will receive an overwhelming majority in the navy, and, as far as I can see, in the army, also, in this vicinity. Last night at “quarters,” an informal vote was taken, as to how the crew stood, and out of about 160 men there were seven or eight in favor of the author of “To whom it may concern.” As the names were called out it was amusing and cheerful to hear- “for Little Mac”- thundering forth from everybody’s mouth (with the exceptions mentioned). The “Sweet German accent,” mingled with the rich “Irish brogue.” And to give “Caesar” his due, our officers took no occasion to manifest any displeasure at the result- they cheerfully admitting that every man had a right to choose for himself without fear or intimidation, and armed with this assurance, our “boys” went in with a will, determined that the “exile of New Jersey” should once more lead them to victory.

Rally, then, ’round the “Flag,” with a statesman, patriot and chieftain (tried in the balance)- at the helm, and our glorious frigate, “Constitution andUnion” will float off the breakers, and being thoroughly overhauled and refitted will be once more launched out and the trembling tyrants of Europe will be made shed tears of repentance for their aid and sympathy to a cause the most damning in its character, and the most mischievous in its proportions.

“The army and navy will make tyrants tremble,

And three cheers for the ‘Red, White and Blue.'”

GARRYOWEN.

The transport Linda of Philadelphia and possibly Onondaga in the background (Library of Congress)

The transport Linda of Philadelphia and possibly Onondaga in the background (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 5 November 1864]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

NEGROES BUILDING CELLS- A SECONF BOAT-RACE

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

“DUTCH GAP,” JAMES RIVER, VA.,

October 31, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- Notwithstanding the apparent inactivity in military affairs, we are always busy at something or other in order to occupy our attention, and drive dull care away. To this end we prepared to make a short trip down the James on this day week, which was immediately carried into operation. The morning was beautiful and calm, old Sol peering over the tree-tops in all his majesty and splendor, dispelling the thick, murky fog which prevailed earlier in the morning, the fresh autumnal breeze pierced through the air, and all nature was gay. The loud mouthed cannons had not as yet commenced their daily avocations, and the lonely sentinel paced his beat on the parapet of “Battery Sayers,” with eager eye watching our movements. The first object which attracted our attention was the work on the canal, or great “Yankee ditch,” which is being put through by American citizens of African descent, in such a manner as to meet the most sanguine expectations of its promoters. The “quarters” wherein the “sable sons of liberty” are domiciled are the most ingenious structures of modern times. I have seen the “caves’ in Vicksburg, Mississippi, where the “chivalry’ sought shelter from Yankee “hail-stones,” but the caves of the “Ethiopians” of Dutch Gap surpass any underground burrowing contemplated yet, not excepting the catacombs of Rome. For half a mile on each side of the canal fronting the river, these caves are dug out or tunnelled, resembling pigeon houses,- or as a writer has it, “a colossal honey comb;” some of them having excavated fronts or open cuts, in the rear of which through a square aperture you find entrance into the inner circle, where the emancipated children of Adam are masticating “hard tack” and “salt horse” with impunity. There are, I suppose, a couple of thousand of them around this settlement, one-half of whom work at a time. On our return trip we saw our colored allies in their various employments- some improving, making additions, and building fireplace in their “covers;” while in another direction a small group might be seen wending their way with measured step and sorrowful countenances, bearing on their shoulders a deceased comrade, and having arrived at a lonely, secluded spot on the hill-side, depositing their burthen without any show or demonstration.

“Few and short were the prayers that they said

And spoke not a word of sorrow,

But quickly closed the grave on the dead,

And bitterly though on the ‘morrow.”

Nothing of any particular note occurred since then (save shelling the “Johnnies” occasionally), until Friday evening, when another boat-race was proposed by our sporting boys, who are always on the alert for fun. The report of the race in the IRISH-AMERICAn- which, by the way, is the recognized organ of the Onondaga– created quite a sensation “about deck;” in fact, it fell like a bombshell among us, all of whom gave it a cordial endorsement, save one, and he considering himself the “beau ideal” of nautical perfection, did not like to have his mane connected as coxswain of one of the defeated boats. Shakespeare has enlightened us as to what’s in a name; but I am at a loss to know what”s in my friend’s name that he should object to its being used in connection with a news item; at all events, he foams and splutters a good deal about it, which he had better reserve, as if he indulges in any more invectives I will take occasion to “show him up,” and dishevel the overgrown capilary vegetation of his physiognomy. But to the race. The boats entering on the first race were the “Life Boat,” Mr. Emmons (seaman), coxswain: “Gig,” Mr. Reed (Paymaster’s clerk), coxswain; “Whale Boat,” Johnny Morrison (Champion of the James), coxswain; and the “Launch,” William Martin (seaman), coxswain. They were all manned with as rollicking a set of tars as ever spliced the main brace. The distance to be run was about one quarter of a mile, around the tug Alert, laying ahead of us, and back. Having got fairly abreast they started “neck and tuck,” the “Whale Boat” coming in ahead. The crew of the “Launch” still believing they could whip the “Whale Boat,” tried it over again with the same result. Pending this race, our Lieutenant Commander picked out a choice crew for the “Gig,” fully determined on beating the “Whale Boat’ at all hazards. This match was agreed to cheerfully- Acting-Master Hays this time action coxswain of the “Whale Boat,” Morrison taking the stroke-oar, and Lieut. Commander Cushman acting coxswain of the “Gig.” Great excitement and enthusiasm was manifested in this race, and bets were freely offered and taken up. But to be brief, the two boats getting into line, the word “all ready” was given, and away they went, jerking through the water like porpoises, stem to stem, until nearing the tug, when the “Whale Boat” gained her own length ahead and made the turn first. But here comes the dilemma. Mr. Hays allowed her too much scope in turning, which, taken advantage of by the adroitness of Mr. Cushman, enabled the “Gig”to gain her lost ground, which she maintained with stubborn tenacity; the “Whale Boat” in the meantime close on her heels (if she had any), and when nearing our vessel the “Gig” was about an oar’s length ahead, when one of her crew- sure of victory- tossed his oar and swung his caubeen in the air, cheering heartily, when lo and behold you, the “Whale Boat” men gave a long pull, a strong pull, and pull together, which “dodge” shot them ahead and enabled them to gain the starting point first, thereby causing the “Gig” to lose the race- so say the “Whale Boat” men. In this contest both parties claim a victory, like our war veterans on terra firma; but fairly speaking, the “Gig” was ahead coming in, and would keep so only my enthusiastic countryman on the bow oar became too premature and excited; on the other hand, if the “Whale Boat,” on rounding the tug, kept her rudder “hard down” and backed on the starboard oars, instead of taking the wide sweep she did, she might throw a tow line to the “Gig,” and thus enable her to come in at a respectable distance behind her. Laying all jokes aside, it was a spiritedly contested race, and reflected great credit on the respective crews who acquitted themselves gallantly. I doubt if another vessel in the Navy can furnish such noble representatives of the “bone and sinew” of the land, as the crew of the Onondaga, and her brave and skilful officers. Speaking of the officers, reminds me to say that they were no party to the conniving manner in which the Republicans though to secure our votes; on the contrary, our efficient officers to a man repudiated the movement, and exerted themselves to guarantee each man the right and privilege to vote for whom he pleased, a privilege which was taken advantage of, thereby augmenting the chances of “Little Mac.” It is due to our officers to make this statement as an opinion to the contrary might prevail.

Yours, truly,

GARRYOWEN.

Confederate Battery on the James (Library of Congress)

Confederate Battery on the James (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 3 December 1864]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

‘DUTCH GAP,” JAMES RIVER, VA.,

November 13, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Yours of the 28th ult., containing New York Electoral and State tickets, came to hand in good time, and I succeeded in distributing them beneficially; but the packages for this ship, sent by express, did not arrive till the day after the election, consequently they were of no use. However, owing to your forethought, we had enough without them. I am sorry at the result of the election; but it cannot be helped now, and we have only to make the best hand we can of it. You must excuse my not writing so regularly of late, as we have now little or no leisure time: the change of Admirals and of our Captain causes this, as all returns have to be made up. The utmost quiet, though, pervades here- nothing of any importance stirring. We still occupy the same position, and all hands are well. As, no doubt, many of your readers will be looking for your usual correspondence from this quarter, I make a note of this state of affairs for their information. At my earliest convenience you shall hear from me.

Yours very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

The USS Onondaga on the James (Library of Congress)

The USS Onondaga on the James (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 17 December 1864]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

NOV. 28, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen,- The source from whence, for some time past, the opposition to my writing emanated having been removed, or, in other words, the gentlemanly officer who objected to it having been transferred to another vessel, I feel at liberty to again resume my correspondence with you, as I believe that our home friends are always anxious to hear from us, and of our movements so far as the same can be made public; and, as the IRISH-AMERICAN is in every one’s hand, I am determined the movements of our “iron sentinel” shall not be a mystery to them.

Since my last, nothing of any great importance, in a military or naval sense, has occurred; everything is comparatively quiet, though our pickets near “Howlett’s House” were surprised one night last week and a few captured. They however, subsequently, recovered their lost ground, but not the prisoners. We heard the noise and yells consequent upon this attach, and prepared ourselves accordingly; but there was no sight for us, and we did not “sail in.”

Last week witnessed our final boat race for the season, which resulted in our champion “Whaleboat” being beaten by the “Launch,” much to the satisfaction of some of the boys, who felt a little jealous of the growing popularity of the “whaleboat” and her chivalrous young Coxswain. My friend Cameron, who, by the way, is a noble specimen of a jolly man-of-war’s-man, was Coxswain of the “Launch” on this occasion, and is consequently the successor to the championship; but this should by no means detract from the reputation of the ex-champion of the “Whaleboat,” as he truly says it is no disgrace to lose one race out of three.

We have had our Thanksgiving Festival, and indeed the patriotic parties who were instrumental in getting it up are deserving of more than an ordinary share of praise for the creditable manner in which the affair was managed, as we received an abundance of Turkeys, &c., which made the berth deck resemble a poultry market on a small scale. After all being served the work of dissecting commenced; the cooks “pulled off their coats and rolled up their sleeves,” transferred the gobblers to the upper deck, and went through the process of immersion in the James with the said gobblers. On Thanksgiving morning the “galley” was the centre of attraction- roasting, baking, boiling, stewing, and all the pharaphernlia of the culinary department brought into requisition and under full headway. At the usual time, eight bells announced dinner, when there was a simultaneous attack on the enemy. Talk about storming the enemy’s works, and taking them by assault, but the attack on the defenceless gobblers throws Sherman’s flanking movements in the shade; for, in less time than it takes to tell it, they had all disappeared before the terrible onslaught of the sturdy sons of Neptune; and thus was fought the great battle of Thanksgiving on the James.

Having this temporarily enjoyed ourselves, had we no thoughts of those dear, fond and loving ones at home- did the question occur to us, what kind of a Thanksgiving had our wives and little ones? Oh, yes! It could not be otherwise, though we felt somewhat consoled and assured that the same bountiful and patriotic hands that provided for us, would not see them want for their Thanksgiving festival, as no luxuries, no comforts, no encouragement is so acceptable to the soldiers or sailors as the assurance that our families are not neglected. Let us only hear that they are looked after and cared for, and no dangers, no risks or privations will be too much for us to endure or encounter; with a willing cheerfulness will we strike the foes, and with our strong right arm to the rescue, our once happy, united and prosperous country will again take her place among the nations of the world, a terror to traitors at home and enemies abroad.

In the evening, while we were congratulating ourselves on the happy events of the day, we received a salute from our pugnacious friends- the “Rebs.” Having discovered a new iron-clad- the “Mahopac”- they determined to give her a welcome in the shape of mortar shells from “Howlett’s Battery,” in which exercise they indulged to a considerable extent. Their shots were aimed mighty accurate- one of the shells having hit the “Mud Digger,” at the canal, in the ribs and sent her to the bottom. At this juncture we were called to quarters, and commenced firing a few of our 15-inchers, scattering terror and dismay among them, which soon caused them to cease their vomiting. For about two hours a brisk cannonading was kept up by both parties, which resulted in immense quantities of metal being wasted, and “nobody hit.” About dusk it was “all quiet on the James” again and remains so yet.

Lieutenant Commander Cushman, commanding this vessel, has been order to the “Wabash,” and left on Thursday evening, and Commander W.A. Parker has taken his place here. This change makes us Flag Ship for this Division and the Commander Divisional Officer. Our old crews’ time is expiring now every week, and the boys are going home- in twos and three at a time. Of course new hands fill up their places. Among the last that left us I must mention my kind friends, John Mulligan, Richard Jeffers and Patrick Kirk, three as pleasant and genial “sons of the sod” as ever broke “hard tack” or eat “salt hoss.” Their uniform conduct and behaviour while with us had earned for them the esteem of all their shipmates, which was testified by the cordial adieus which they received when departing from us. As this will probably meet their eyes, I take this occasion of returning my heartfelt and sincere thanks to my friend Jeffers for the precious present he bestowed on me some time ago, and he may be assured that I will kindly remember him every time I use it.

There are plenty of rumors afloat here as to our intentions, none of which I can trace to any reliable source; and even if I could, it would be rather imprudent for me to give them ventilation. There is one thing, however, that I will keep your readers accurately posted on affairs at “Dutch Gap,” which at no distant day is to become the great centre of attraction. “When Greek meets Greek, then comes the tug of war.”

Yours very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

'...Mortar shells from Howlett's Battery...'. The Confederate Battery at Howlett House which fired on the U.S.S. Onondaga and other Federal vessels on Thanksgiving Day, 1864 (Library of Congress).

‘…Mortar shells from Howlett’s Battery…’. The Confederate Battery at Howlett House which fired on the U.S.S. Onondaga and other Federal vessels on Thanksgiving Day, 1864 (Library of Congress).

[continued in the same 17 December 1864 issue of New York Irish-American Weekly]

U.S. IRON CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

AIKENS LANDING, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

December 5, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- The heavy firing which I observe is reported in the dailies as being heard in the vicinity of Dutch Gap, on Tuesday last, resulted from a spirited engagement we had with the enemy’s battery at “Howlet’s House.” As they seemed to indulge rather freely in their compliments to the canal operatives, we concluded to move up and let them have a dose of our patent 15-inch pills. Having anchored within range, the business of the day commenced about 11 a.m. We opened from both turrets, our firing averaging one shot in two minutes; the “Johnnies” were not behind time either, they giving shot for shot, as their battery mounts seven or eight heavy guns. We were assisted by the one-turreted iron-clad, Mahopac, her first engagement; and the three Union shore batteries also participated. We kept up a vigorous fire for three or four hours, our 150-pound rifle shells exploding right in their midst, which could not help doing severe mischief. Having satisfied ourselves with the morning’s work, and concluding we did harm enough for one day, we dropped down to this anchorage, where we are overhauling and examining our machinery preparatory to the coming campaign. We will, however, be back again at our old station before that is made public, and no doubt have another set-too with our pugnacious friends, just for the fun of the thing, as attacking land batteries from an iron clad is only play work, for the enemy’s shells can have no effect on us. It’s the rebel torpedoes and other impassable obstructions in the river that prevents us from bombarding Richmond long before now; but there are measures in progress to overcome these even, which measure, however, will have to be carried out before made public. It may be well to mention that we came out of the engagement without a scratch.

“Aiken’s Landing,” where we now are, is more of a business and war-like place than the “Gap,” though only four or five miles below it. Here is laid a pontoon bridge, for the accommodation of the Army of the James, and at both sides of it a fleet of gunboats, transports, river steamers, coal vessels, canal boats, &c., forming a galaxy of marine architecture resembling somewhat the bay of New York, opposite the Battery. Aiken’s house and out-houses, situated on the bank of the river, and commanding a splendid view of the now historic stream, the scene of so many strifes and battles, is a respectable two-story, square built, brick building, with porch extending the whole front length, and, notwithstanding the ravages of war, is in a high state of preservation, still occupied by its original inhabitants, except the head of the family- and this individual, up to recently, managed to play a neutral game in the controversy now pending, and it remained for a countryman of ours to ascertain the fact that he was a rebel in disguise, or a sham Union man. I had intended at the time to acquaint you with the modus operandi of this transaction, but it then escaped me. We had an “old salt” here named Casey, (Billy Casey, not Corporal Casey,) a half-devil-may-care-sort-of-a-fellow, who was ready and willing for anything, even spiking a gun in the enemy’s possession. Well, this Casey had a dingy boat, not much larger than a wash-tub, in which he prowled about the river, having a roving commission, and it a “reb” was within 5 miles of him, Billy would actually smell him. In this capacity he visited Mr. Aiken’s dwelling, rather piteously, and asked that gent for a drink of milk; he was told there was none on hand, “Sure, sir,” said he, “it’s not the milk I want, only just to find the shortest route to the rebs, as the Yankees call them. I’ve jumped a Yankee gunboat, and am bound for Dixie, and I think you can direct me in the right path.” The bait took, and the unsuspecting Aiken was trapped by Yankee Pat; who, having possessed himself of sufficient evidence to convict his client, returned by a circuitous route to the fleet, and in a short time afterwards Mr. Aiken was a prisoner. I have this from Billy’s own lips, but give it in a condensed form, as I could by no means give the original narrative, with the slang, gestures, and emphasis of the author, in his own peculiar style; but your readers can draw on their own imagination for that.

On Thursday last, a long, low, black, rakish-looking, bark-rigged craft, with smoke stack forward of the main mast, hove in sight. She was the “What is it” for a considerable time, and after a good deal of “guessing” (among us Americans), she turned out to be a French corvette, mounting 4 guns only, with the French Consul on board for Richmond. I noticed a four-horse hack at the landing all morning, but could not imagine what it was for; but the mystery was soon cleared- for it was to convey the Consul across our lines. But I am told (how true it is, I don’t know,) that the enemy would not receive him. However, the corvette is at anchor here het; but what is going on in the premises, is all Greek to us outsiders- (I was going to say Americans again).

I believe I have reached the end of my narrative for the past week; and as the Holidays will be bear at hand when this makes its appearance, I will wish you and the readers of the great exponent of Irish national principles- the faithful IRISH-AMERICAN- a Merry Christmas, a Happy New Year, and a great many of them, and will also assure you and them, that the “boys’ on the “Iron Sentinel” in the James, will give a good account of themselves when the proper time cones, and after finishing up the business here, there are other “spots” on the ocean that will claim our attention; thither shall we go, and make one powerful, irresistible effort to redeem our fettered, native land, burst the chains that bind her hand and foot, and maker her what she ought to be-

“Great, glorious and free;

First flower of the earth and first gem of the sea.”

Yours, always,

GARRYOWEN.

Aiken's House (Library of Congress)

Aiken’s House (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 24 December 1864]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

Dec. 11, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- Having completed our overhauling and repairing of machinery on Monday last, we got steam up that night and found everything satisfactory; next day we proceeded up the river to our old anchorage at the Gap, where we found before us the Ironclads “Cannonicus,” “Saugus” and “Mahopac,” all single turreted monitors, which, with ourselves, comprise the fleet now here.- It was whispered around that on arriving at the Gap we were to make a combined attack on the enemy’s work at Howlett’s House, and above it on the river side. This was accordingly done, the monitors taking position as their names indicate above, while we lay astern of them under the “Crow’s Nest” signal tower, and directed our attention to the batteries above Howlett’s, the distance supposed to be about two thousand yards. At the appointed time we opened fire simultaneously, and continued pouring shot and shell into their works- as could be observed from the signal tower- for about four hours. We have not ascertained what damage was done, but, perhaps, may reasonably conclude that our work had the desired effect, and caused consternation among the “Johnnies,” if not creating vacancies in their mess tables. The bombardment for the time was short, sharp and vigorous, and I must say that we had not all the fun to ourselves, as they replied shot for shot, and manifested to the last convincing proof that they were “still there.” On our side there was some slight damage done to one or two of the monitors, but “nobody hurt.” The “Saugus” received a solid shot on her turret, having no more effect than making a slight indentation of about three inches; the “Mahopac” received about half a dozen taps on her turret, which, striking, glanced off, except one, going through the one inch flange plates on top of the turret, and passing harmlessly by the pilot-house. This goes to show, however, that the rebels can do some good shooting; and also settles the question of the fighting proprieties of the monitors- let the torpedoes be cleared from the river, and Richmond falls in less than twenty-four hours. “That’s what’s the matter.”- Notwithstanding that we were as conspicuous as any of the other monitors, yet, strange, we received “nary” scratch. We are beginning to think there is some charm or supernatural spell about us, for we have lain here at the gates of Richmond, as it were, all summer, exposed to the rebel guns, and have had a brush, more or less, every day with our antagonists. Yet up to this they have not as much as touched us. But we have had, in the meantime, some narrow escapes. For instance, after the last engagement, when the retreat from quarters was sounded, we “lay up” on deck to view the scene after the battle, and while thus assembled forward of the turret in a group, a rebel shot came “whirling”and plunged in the river at our feet.- Then there was skedaddling at locomotive speed; and no wonder, fir if it had a half foot more elevation, and had reached ten or fifteen feet farther, there would have been some widows made that evening, and not a few, at best, would have lost their appetites: Providentially, however, we came off with a slight sprinkling. My friend Thompson, being at the “head,” was more scared than hurt, as he beat a hasty retreat in good order, looking pale, bilious and genteel, which caused some laughter at his predicament, eliciting from him the query, “What are ye laughing at?- do ye think a fellow is afraid of them things?” Well, nobody said he was; but we noticed he made himself scarce in that locality, and so we all died. The work on the canal is progressing, but not finished, as is generally supposed, and the less said on the great national (!) undertaking the better. The weather during the fore part of the week was beautifully fine, representing the clear Indian summer, with bright moonlight nights, but towards the last week it changed into a bitter cold, accompanied with rain and sleet, which makes it very disagreeable and uncomfortable for our boys, who have to stand watch and keep a vigilant look out, inasmuch as the build of these ironclads affords no protection from the fury of the wind and weather. If the “stay at homes,” whose “voices are still for war,”would evacuate their comfortable firesides, and stand watch one night in this weather, my word for it the war would be finished in a short time. But no; protected by their breastwork of “greenback,” they “howl” for more victims to the national slaughter house, their hearts are callous to the sufferings of their fellow-creatures, who are not only ourselves exposed in the front, but the mental anxiety which prevails over us for the fate of our wives and “little ones” whom we have left behind for the mercy of the cold winter’s blast and the whims and caprices of an unforgetful and disinterested community, as some have shown themselves to be. But, thank God, New York is not without her noble and patriotic people, which was so gloriously manifested to us on the late Thanksgiving festival, which will never be forgotten by the brave “defenders of the flag” on board the “Onondaga.”

Yours truly,

GARRYOWEN.

Dutch Gap Canal in November 1864 (Library of Congress)

Dutch Gap Canal in November 1864 (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 7 January 1865]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

Dec. 25, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- With the exception of occasional firing on the canal (which is not yet finished), no other demonstration of a war-like character has occurred here for the last two weeks; and instead of being the originators of news, we are only the recipients- some of which is not a little amusing to us, especially that furnished by the rebel press, as instanced in their account of sinking an iron-clad here by one of their projectiles ripping her like a streak of lightning! This is the most bare-faced falsehood I have seen for a long time; but I suppose it helps to keep up the tottering prospects of the bogus confederacy. The iron-clad alluded to us safe and sound, and with sufficient buoyancy to do efficient service in the noble cause which she is destined for. I have already given the facts in regard to the engagement which called forth this lying paragraph, and on them the public may rely.

The only special event which has occurred since, is the arrival of the gay and beautiful steamer M. Martin, having on board Lieut. Gen. Grant and lady, accompanied by some ladies and a portion of his staff, on a visit, I presume, to this section of the country, and to view the lines of Maj. Gen. Butler, who commanded the Army of the James. The distinguished party disembarked opposite where we lay, and carriages were in waiting for them, to convey them to the front. What made this arrival more remarkable, was the fact that among the gay decorations of the steamer was to be seen, conspicuous, our darling “Irish Green,” with its yellow harp in the centre-

“The Harp that once through Tara’s halls,

The soul of music shed;”

and the total absence of any English symbol to contaminate its rich and dazzling beauty. The French tri-color was there, and any quantity of State and National flags, but nothing English. This was gratifying to us at least, as we hope it meant something. Only just think of it- the greatest General in the world sailing under the Irish immortal green! On beholding this proud emblem of our slumbering nationlity our hearts revived within us, and our eyes kindled with admiration as we looked heavenward, and the oft-repeated vows were renewed, that we should be spared to strike the blow that would enable that flag to show itself and be recognised among the nations of the earth, and Emmet’s epitaph be written. There stood on the deck of an American “iron-clad” that morning, with set teeth and knit eyebrows, as brave and unflinching a group of warriors as ever handled pike or drew sabre, and with but one determination, resolved that, when this “cruel war is over”-

“Ireland must be free,

From the centre to the sea-

And hurrah for liberty,

Says the Shan Van Vocht!”

Yesterday we were visited by seven or eight rebel deserters, who are scarcely yet done congratulating themselves on their hair-breadth escape from cold, hunger and destitution in its worst forms. They give a most heart-rending account of the condition of the rebel army, which, I presume, is familiar to your readers; and it any doubt remains on their minds (as there did on mine some time ago) as to its truth, it may now be removed, as I am fully satisfied from these reports and my own conclusions that the rebel cause has found its “last ditch,” and that immediately in our front.

There is nothing holding it together now only the tenacity of a few individuals who looked upon the Northern people as the scum of Europe and the “mudsills” of society. Having lost all their niggers, they are unwilling to return home and work for their living, considering it beneath their dignity, and, like all other criminals, believing they might as well hang for a sheep as a lamb. “That’s what’s the matter.”

Christmas on the James has passed soberly and quietly, nothing occurring more than the date of the month to remind us of that holy festival; though many an anxious mind turned towards home, around which clustered so many and fond recollections of times past and gone, but which, I hope, will revive again, and that next Christmas will see us enjoying peace, comfort and happiness, with our glorious banner waving triumphantly on every house-top from Maine to Texas; and that something will accidentally have happened that would annex our own loved “Island of Sorrow” to the constellation of stars as a “make-up” for our unsparing devotion and servitude to the best form of government the world has ever seen, notwithstanding the imperfections of the powers that be.

Enclosed you will find $3 50c. for seven copies for three months, which you will please forward with my own to my address. The subscription would be for a longer period, only the subscribers’ time will expire then, they don’t know where they will be permanently located afterwards. They are determined, however, the IRISH AMERICAN will find them out wherever they go. You might change the address from Fortress Monroe to James River, as we will get them a mail earlier.

Yours, &c.,

GARRYOWEN.

Confederate Battery at Howlett's House (Library of Congress)

Confederate Battery at Howlett’s House (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 14 January 1865]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

Jan. 1, 1864.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentleman- As far as our movements are concerned, we are comparatively idle, in a warlike view, though still keeping sentinel of the “James,” a position which is very necessary, inasmuch as we nullify the action of the rebel navy, they not deeming it prudent to encounter us, a piece of forbearance which they wisely seem to adopt, as we would soon make short work of their rams and iron clads, a la “Alabama.” They boasted that in our recent engagement at Howlets, they “ripped a Yankee iron clad like a streak of lightning, and sunk her.” Now, I was, of course, “to the fore,” yet I have seen no evidence of the truth of the assertion, nor anything leading to such a conclusion; their shells and “iron bolts’ flew harmlessly about us, and dropped off the other monitors, like water off a duck’s back; and in support of this I will refer them to the list of “iron clads” in the Porter-Butler fleet, where they will find the supposed sunken vessel. So much for rebel veracity. In our local affairs we find sufficient exercise to while away the time, and in fact our consciences will not reproach us for designating our vessel the “Novelty Works” of the James.” Every day brings forth a new enterprise, as our officers are live men, and they like to keep things moving, provided, however, they are not the propelling power themselves. This, of course, is not to be expected; and in order to fulfil the Scriptures, they inculcate the doctrine that he that “sows must reap.” By the way, talking of the Scriptures reminds me to say that our evangelical luminaries of the “Turret” prayer meetings have been for some time non est. I hear it whispered about that the “brethren” did not find it as paying a “dodge” as they expected in the shape of reaping favors at headquarters, consequently they dissolved partnership, and now “all hands,” including the boatswain’s mate, go it alone, to the evident satisfaction of all concerned. I am well pleased, however, to observe that the legitimate church meetings on the Sabbath are well attended, thanks to the pious and humanitarian efforts of our indefatigable and Christian officers, who spare no pains in providing for our spiritual as well as temporal welfare. It is not alone through the teachings of the Rev. Missioner that we are converted and made feel the influence of religion, but in perusing the numerous tracts and pamphlets which they promiscuously scatter around, in order to enlighten the sinner, and rescue him from the deep pit of crime in which he is engulphed. Oh! this navy is a heavenly institution, and for the life of me I can’t see why people- misguided people as they are- don’t embrace it, and guarantee themselves a speedy transmission from the world of sin and misery to that heavenly paradise where the “wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest.” If there are any who doubt my assertions, let them come at once and view the front, and if “Johnny Reb.” don’t disenthral them, and create a vacancy, then I know nothing about it. Verily, verily, the day of Pentecost is coming.

A rich,- or , as our illustrious Commander-in-Chief would say,- a “big thing” occurred here in the engine department a few evenings ago, while at “quarters.” It is the duty of the senior officers to report sword-in-hand the presence of his division, and our acting senior engineer at the time, when about performing this duty, asked a Seaman (who, by the by, happened to be an Irishman,) to bring him the sword from the store room. The exiled “Son of Erin” not exactly understanding the message, procured a “hand-saw,” and in pure naval style presented it to the aforesaid officer. Imagine his dismay at being presented with a saw to report his division to the chief engineer, and, I think, you will join us in the laugh, which we all enjoyed, until relieved from quarters, after which, however, the transaction “spread,” as indicated by the “loud and prolonged” laughter at the less-table in the steerage that evening; and I was specially importuned that the readers of the IRISH-AMERICAN should have the benefit of it: so there it is. We have had another new novelty in the engine department in the shape of a rebel pig; a fact; and she or he, I don’t know which, goes around the department, snorting and grunting with the usual amount of impudence which characterizes that species of quadruped. I can’t say who introduced his swineship, but he seems to enjoy his warm quarters with evident satisfaction; and to judge from the color of his hair he is evidently of African extraction, not that I by any means insinuate that he bears any relation to the two colored gem’men in the department; no, indeed, that would be “hoggish,” and I am a respecter of persons.

The weather here is very changeable, though not so cold as, I perceive, you have it. Still it tells fearfully on the crew of an iron-clad, as it afford no protection, such as bulwarks and other house coverings, to be found in other vessels. The James River has no appearance of freezing up, and I think it will remain open all winter. This day inaugurates the New Year, which I hope before its end, will see the rebellion crushed, never more to rise again, and our glorious free Republic again take her place as the asylum for the oppressed of all nations.

Yours very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

'...Having hit the "Mud Digger," at the canal, in the ribs and sent her to the bottom.' General Butler's forces were engaged in an ultimately unsuccessful project which involved digging a canal to try and bypass some of the Confederate batteries on the James. This photo is the dredge boat that 'Garryowen' witnessed sinking on Thanksgiving Day 1864 (Library of Congress).

‘…Having hit the “Mud Digger,” at the canal, in the ribs and sent her to the bottom.’ General Butler’s forces were engaged in an ultimately unsuccessful project which involved digging a canal to try and bypass some of the Confederate batteries on the James. This photo is the dredge boat that ‘Garryowen’ witnessed sinking on Thanksgiving Day 1864 (Library of Congress).

[New York Irish-American Weekly 21 January 1865]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

Jan. 8, 1865.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- The only event of importance that transpired here this week is the blowing out, or rather the blowing up, of the remaining end of the canal. This long looked for event failed in accomplishing the object for which it was designed. I have frequently referred to this work in my correspondence, and consider it superfluous to recapitulate what I have already said relative to its modus operandi. The difficulties and dangers of its operatives, their domiciles, mode of living, &c., all of which was anything but agreeable or attractive, I have also alluded to, and it now only remains to tell what at present seems to be the finale of this stupendous national blunder. Its length is about two hundred yards; depth of water channel, fifteen feet; and about sixty of eighty feet wide; the necessary excavation having been performed under the most trying circumstances, to bring it to this perfection the end or bulkhead was allowed to stand for the purpose of blowing it out by the process of mining, which was done (that is the mining,) and charged with about thirty tons of powder, which, instead of blowing it out in the river, (as was anticipated,) raised the solid mass in one heap, when it descended again to the place from whence it came, with the exception of about ten or twelve feet of the surface, which scatter in different directions, thereby causing more harm than good, as it opens a clear view to the rebels on the opposite bank to take deliberate aim at any further attempts that may be contemplated.- This bulkhead served as a screen to the operatives, and hid them from view of the rebels, whose shelling heretofore was mere “guess” work, which, by the way, was “purty” accurate; but now the “gap” is opened, and they have a clear range of anything and everything that comes into the canal. To my mind the condition of affairs now stand thus, relative to said canal:- A an pursuing his legitimate avocations, may proceed safely through a narrow lane, but when comes to the end he is beset by a gang of ruffians and highwaymen, who pounce upon him and commence an indiscriminate onslaught, which reveals to him the fact that he is approaching dangerous ground, and if he can by any strategy retreat, therein he finds his only security, with what is left of him. Now apply this to the iron-clad or gunboat going through the canal, allowing it is finished completely. When she would get at the end, her trouble and difficulties would commence, not from the batteries, rams, or any other visible impediment, so much as from the infernal torpedoes which lie concealed in the bed of the river from this junction to Richmond. Besides, an iron-clad going through the canal can’t see at either side of her, to range her guns so as to fire on the rebel batteries until she gets at the mouth of it; whereas, if she was to proceed around the regular course of the river, she could hammer away right and left, and demolish everything in view; and it would make no difference against here to have to travel 6 or 7 miles farther. It is an old and true saying, “Never take the byeway while the highway is open for you;” and in this case, is quite applicable. It must not be construed that I am a fault-finder of the doings of men of great skill and knowledge, and who can penetrate and overcome the obstacles to success, in whatever form they may appear; but, now that the horse is stolen, we know who left the stable unlocked; or, in other words, a looker-on knows who does the most fighting. It matters not to say now, we had this or that opinion of the undertaking at the commencement. That is our own private judgment; and as we were not consulted, we reserved our opinion, but now give it pro bono publico. What will be done to overcome this disappointment and render the work serviceable, I cannot tell. Some say the batteries will have to be taken by storm with a powerful land and naval force; others, that Lieut. Gen. Grant can afford to keep Lee penned up, and smoke or starve him out, while Thomas, Sherman, Sheridan, and the balance of the “lesser lights,” will be playing hop-a-doodle-doo around the remnant of the would-be Confederate States of North America.

On Tuesday morning, a blockade-runner, in the shape of a “wild goose,” made her appearance in the river, and was successfully running the blockade between our vessel and the gunboat Massasoit, when the latter vessel sent her boat and three men in chase, to overhaul and capture her, which was finally executed after considerable, her goose-ship flanking and dodging her pursuers, until one of them hit her a bat of his oar on the topknot, which caused her to surrender, no doubt reluctantly. She was stowed away in the bow of the boat, and conveyed on board, where I am sure she was satisfactorily disposed of. What amount of prize money she will realize- deponent knoweth not. This is the only blockade-runner we have seen here yet, and the first “wild goose chase” I had the good fortune to witness, though I have often heard and read of one.

Another [illegible], of a personal nature, occurred a few days ago, which I will let you have. A group of teamsters were waiting with their mules and wagons for their turn to cross the pontoon bridge, where I happened to be looking on at the time. Seeing the ship’s name on my cap-band, one of them approached me, when the following dialogue ensued:-

‘You’re from the Onondaga?

“Yes.”

“Do you know who ‘Garryowen’ is aboard her?”

“Yes.”

“Our chaps get the IRISH-AMERICAN,” and read his letters. He’s one of the officers, I suppose?”

“No: he’s only a fireman.”

“Fireman!- h–l! They haven’t many firemen like him in the navy, though there are some bully scholars, privates, in the army. If I went aboard I’d like to see that monitor and that fireman, as you call him.”

“Well, when you come aboard I’ll show him to you. What is your name?”

“Flaherty. I must go; the bridge is clear. Whoa, haw; get up. Bill, what are you about there-galang,” &c., and that was the last I saw of Mr. Flaherty, from the Army of the James. Doubtless when he sees this, he will find out who “Garryowen” is, without coming on board.

Enclosed you will find $2-00, for four more copies of the “Irish,” as we call it. The boys say they must have it, and so ought every Irishman.

Yours, very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

The bend in the James River (Library of Congress)

The bend in the James River (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 4 February 1865]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

Jan. 22, 1865.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- I will not be much trespass on your columns this time, as matters and events have been so quiet on the James the last two weeks that there is nothing worthy to communicate as an item. The canal fiasco has put an end, for the present, to all hostile demonstrations in this neighborhood. The operatives and dredging machines evacuated, and nothing remains of the “great Dutch Gap canal” but a ditch with a stream of water running through it, not sufficient to float a skiff; and instead of the recent flood clearing it, it only helped fill it ip. So your readers may conclude to hear no more of the canal in connection with this war- and I believe the same may be said of its illustrious originator. It is a remarkable coincidence that both collapsed at the same time.

The flag of truce boat, New York, is making regular trips here, exchanging prisoners. They are a used-up crowd, on both sides, and in a most melancholy condition.

Peace rumors are circulating ver free here; but the only peace commissioners we recognise or pay any attention to, are the Porter-Terry bulletins. Theirs is the way, and the only way, to make peace; and if we could only crawl up to Fort Darling, there would be such a howl of despair through the rebel dominions, and such a skedaddling from Richmond, that nothing could arrest the locomotive speed of Jeff and his minions until they would find themselves secure on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande, and even then they would keep “marching on.” Well, from appearances elsewhere, I think the game is nearly blocked, and that, before the “ides of March,” the last man and last ditch will be found.

A considerable portion of our men’s time has expired, and they are going home every day by the dozen and twenty. This makes us “stay-behinds” feel lonesome; but your correspondent’s time will soon come, when he will appear before you vis-a-vis, and render an account of his stewardship. At the same time, I think he can procure a successor, as among our new-comers there are some “knights of the quill,” which, I have no doubt, are capable of making some rich developments.

Yours, very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

The USS Canonicus on the James (Library of Congress)

The USS Canonicus on the James (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 11 February 1865]

THE NAVAL FIGHT ON THE JAMES RIVER

(From our own Correspondent)

U.S. IRONCLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

January 30, 1865.

Gentlemen- Almost a death-like silences has prevailed here this time past, especially since the suspension of operations on the canal- which silence was suddenly brought to a close on Monday night, the 23d inst., about eight o’clock, by the heavy and continued firing of cannon and mortars from Howlett’s and the “swamp” batteries (both rebel), directed towards our signal tower and the batteries in the vicinity of the “Gap.” We were, at the time, out of range, as we lay about a mile below, near Aiken’s Landing, but could see and hear distinctly the flying and whizzing of the rebel missiles as they came whirling through the air. We of course surmised that something was up, and were in a state of anxious expectancy. It was with some misgivings the watch below turned in, and we were not altogether disappointed in our calculations, for about 11 o’clock all hands were beat to quarters. This was followed by the wildest turmoil and confusion, turning out of hammocks, lashing them up, stowing them away; one looking for his shoes, another for his cap, and some even, by some unaccountable means, minus their pantaloons; but through the exertions of the master-at-arms and ship’s corporals, in less that ten minutes the berth-deck was cleared of all encumbrances; Jack was at his station, and the divisional officers reported “all accounted for.” A peep at the berth-deck of a man-of-war on such an occasion as this, would well repay a visit, and must be seen to be realized. At quarters, the preliminaries incident to preparing for action are gone through with, the engines and turrets are revolved, fires spread, coal-heavers and firemen are expert in the performance of their duties, as if propelled by some electrical influence. Gunners and gunners’-mates are on the qui vive; messenger-boys are “telegraphing” their respective messages and instructions from headquarters; engineers are looking at and tapping gauge cocks; they see that the journals are all oiled, and everything ready for going ahead; and in less time than it takes to mention it, the ship is reported “all ready.” Standing at our stations from 11 o’clock until 4 A.M., momentarily expecting a “crash of arms,” or of ship’s sides, and not receiving any, we were, however, signalled that the rebel rams were ripping up our obstructions at “Trent’s Reach;” when we immediately commenced to weigh anchor, and dispute their right to thus interfere with our works. Unfortunately, while our vessel was swinging to her anchor, the engines under full head of steam, our starboard quarter struck on the south bank of the river, causing the port engines to stop suddenly, accompanied by a violent jar and pounding under that overhang. Every effort was resorted to, to move the engines, but all were fruitless, and we had to rely on our starboard engines for locomotion. In this predicament, it was deemed inadvisable to encounter the enemy; and having no time for deliberations, we dropped down to Jones’ Landing, about one mile below us, where we could protect the pontoon bridge and base of supplies for the Army of the James. There we lay, daylight revealing to us the aspect of our position, which appeared to the uninitiated as a retreat; but on looking into the facts, it will be pronounced the safest plan. We were determined, however, not to remain long idle; and finding the port engines would not work, two tugs were hitched on to us, one on each quarter, and, aided by our starboard propeller, we proceeded to the scene of action, the countenances of our brave boys beaming with joy and gladness, as every foot we advanced confirmed the fact that we meant business, and that we would soon show what brave hearts and iron wills, backed by fierce determination, can do. Our anticipations were accelerated by the announcement, from an officer on horseback on the bridge, as we steamed up, that he had orders from General Grant to obstruct this channel. This was received on our part with visible symptoms of approbation, as it indicated the impossibility of retreat, a word unrecognized among the crew of the Onondaga. Approaching the scene of action, we observed the force and strength of our antagonists to consist of two iron-clads and one wooden gunboat. I might here mention that we were accompanied by the steamers Massasiot and Hunchback, and the torpedo boat Spuyten Duyvil (late Stromboli). Arriving within proper range, we let go anchor, as did the other vessels; and at 11 o’clock, as “Greek met Greek,” then commenced “the tug of war.” We were the first to introduce ourselves to our Richmond visitors, in the shape of a 15-inch solid shot, from which they no doubt concluded we were about to receive them in a substantial manner. This was the signal for an exchange of civilities, which was warmly reciprocated on both sides for the space of about three hours; and, on comparing notes, with the following result:- A shell pierced the magazine of the gunboat Drury, causing her to explode, and shivering her to atoms- her crew sharing the fate that awaits all traitors and abettors to treason and the overthrow of the best form of government ever designed by the wisdom of man. Several shots struck the reams, one of them retreating early from the “muss;” the remaining one holding out, and at one time evidently steering to “butt” us, when a shot from our rifle gun in the after turret went through her port-hole, killing one man, mortally wounding three, and slightly wounding seven- the shell exploding in their midst, as we subsequently learned from four deserters, who managed to slip from them. Instantaneously with this, a 15-inch solid shot from our forward turret struck her on the knuckles, ripping about 10 feet of iron plating and carrying away her flag and staff; she then, deeming prudence the better part of valor, rounded to, and took refuge under the guns of Howlett’s battery. We received one shell through the smoke-pipe; another struck two of our small boats floating at the stern, cutting through the “dinkey” above the water-mark, ripping through the sides of the champion “whale-boat,” causing her to sink; another 7-inch conical shot, from a Brook’s rifle, struck our after turret, making a dent of about three-fourths of an inch, starting 3 or 4 bolts, glancing off, tearing the wooden deck in its progress for about 3 or 4 feet, and fracturing the iron casting of the deck-light over the port engine, and all ending with “nobody hurt.” The gunboat Massasoit received several taps, one smashing up her boat swinging on the davits, the splinters of which wounded five men slightly, and a piece of shell one man severely. This is the amount of our casualties; and thus ended the rebel tete-a-tete at Dutch Gap.

Notwithstanding we were the victors, we were anything but satisfied, not being able to follow them up. We then dropped down below the canal, to see and fix our machinery, which we succeeded in partially doing, the port propeller only working at intervals. We were at the same time sanguine that the rams would be intercepted in their retreat, as from the great curve in the river here it placed our forces in their rear, and that if they remained under cover of Howlett’s battery, we would have a brush with them next day. Acting on this hypothesis, next morning we steamed up; but lo! the nest was there, and the birds flown. Why they were not intercepted at the west end of the canal with torpedoes? Why the torpedo boat, Spuyten Duyvil, did not act her part and, as her name implies, rip things in “spite of the Devil/” Why they were allowed to pass Fort Brady? These are all pertinent inquiries, which as yet remain to be answered; and from the look of affairs, one would naturally suppose there was “something rotten in Denmark.” It appears that, when once they got clear of the “Gibraltar of the James,” they blessed their stars and thanked God they were “out of the wilderness.” So far as we are concerned, we did our duty nobly, gallantly, and fearlessly- never flagging, demonstrating the availability of the Onondaga to be “boss” of Dutch Gap, a reputation which our enemies have admitted we are justly entitled to, for our stubborn tenacity in maintaining our position here for the last nine months, exposed to their fire and returning their salutations with compound interest; and whatever may be our final career, there is one thing accomplished, and that is, we have made our mark, and earned our reputation as noble defences of the “Gap.”

The day after the battle, a rebel picket-launch came floating along, and was soon “gobbled up” by us. She is a curious looking affair, and somewhat resembles and Indian “dug out,” or canoe, on a large scale. She has got a boiler and propeller engine in her, in good condition, and had 7 or 8 torpedoes. How or why she was abandoned by the rebels, remains to be seen. We at first thought it to be some “infernal machine;” but, approaching her carefully, she turned out to be quite harmless. Our engineers put her in serviceable condition, after which they took a short cruise in her towards the canal, when her former owners, at “Howlett’s,” discovered the party, and sent them a message from one of their “bull dogs,” but failed to hit their mask.

Everything has assumed its usual quietness again. No further demonstration of a hostile character has taken place; thereby verifying the adage that “after a storm comes a calm.” We have been lately visited by several distinguished persons, including generals and their staffs, and with no less a personage that Vice-Admiral Farragut, who looks hale and hearty, smiled approvingly on the heroes of Dutch Gap, as he paced the deck of our “Iron Leviathan.” He had a short stay, but was evidently well pleased.

I hope I have not trespassed too much on your valuable space; but as the IRISH AMERICAN is looked upon by its readers as likely to have the most reliable version of this affair, I have endeavored (I admit very feebly) to realize their anticipations.

Yours, very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

Winter Quarters, Fort Brady (Library of Congress)

Winter Quarters, Fort Brady (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 18 February 1865]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA.”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

Feb. 6, 1865

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- Since our late engagement nothing of any importance has occurred here, which affords me an opportunity to repel the base and undeserved slanders of the writers and agents of the daily press, who, without any knowledge of our situation, rush into print with the obnoxious epithet of “coward” prefixed to our brave warriors and heroes, who for months have held at bay the rebel squadron, and, when they dared to show their noses, whipped them so badly, that they went whirling through the James without stopping event to pick up some of their torpedo launches, which they were forced to leave behind- and for this unexampled display of muscle and bravery we are, forsooth, cowards. Verily, verily, the millenium has come! If a battered turret, a riddled smoke-pipe, and a torn deck, are evidences of cowardice, then, indeed, we are cowards; but a specimen of such cowardice the rebs don’t care about meeting very often. If the “Father of Lies” were to blow his trumpet and summon all his disciples to his sulphuric abode, I don’t see how the army correspondents could escape. I thought it bad enough last Summer, when they had us engaged with the rebel squadron aforesaid, and credited us with having driven them back, whereas we never saw a rebel ram or iron-clad until the late visit they paid us, much to their disappointment; and now, when we were actually engaged with them and sent them hors de combat, as they themselves admit, the Bohemians of the dailies have it that we “turned tail and run.” If they had only reversed this, they might have hit the nail on the head; but the navy is not, nor I hope ever will be, a political machine. “That’s what the matter,” in a nutshell.

It is strange that the rebels give us all the credit for their defeat, as we read in the Herald of the 30th ult., in a paragraph from the Richmond Examiner. Giving an official account of this affair, it says:- “The rams soon silenced the shore batteries, but received several shots from a Yankee monitor (Onondaga), which started some bolts and plating, killing five men; and their (the Onondaga’s) fire was so disastrous and effectual as to compel them (the rams) to retire under the guns of ‘Howlett’s.'” The article is not within reach of me at present: but I read it, and if these are not the exact words, they are at least the substance, without any exaggeration. Now, when the rebels acknowledge so much, the statements in the “loyal papers” can be taken for what they are worth. I have, in my last letter, explained the cause of our dropping down the river, to which I could add other satisfactory reasons, if needed; but admitting, for argument sake, that nothing happened to us, and we groped out way up in the dark (for it was as dark as pitch) what would be the result? Why, the most disastrous that could be imagined. And thanks to our brave captain’s forethought, who, in this critical emergency, was cool, calm, and collected- to him we owe our presence here now; and to him the numerous shipping, bridges and warehouses on the James are indebted for their preservation- opinions to the contrary notwithstanding. As I said, admitting we went up- well, the rebels did not come down on a fool’s errand: they were well provided with torpedo boats, and other instruments of destruction, which we, single-handed as we were, by any means of strategy or prowess could battle. We could fight the rams, it is true; but the torpedo-boats, like hornets, would swarm around us in the dark, and cause such a “rise” in Yankee patriotism as would cast the gold speculators of Wall street in the shade. And for not committing such a rash act we are cowards! The gallant itemizers of the press who hang around headquarters are prodigious specimens of pluck- the kind of pluck exhibited in telegraph offices, sending “special dispatches.” I presume we had one of them on board the morning we were going into action; how he came there, I can’t say; but I happened to be standing near a genteel-looking, tall specimen of a Bohemian, and when we were going through the bridge he asked the pontoon men for “God’s sake” to take him ashore, as he did not want to go up. He was taken ashore on a pontoon-boat; and I imagined, by the “cut of his jib,” (as he wore a pen in his ear,) that he was an “army correspondent,” or one of those camp-followers or stragglers who furnish sensational items for a living, being useless rubbish in any other capacity. Be that as it may, the naked truth of our career, – stripped of all sophistry, as it appears in the IRISH-AMERICAN- will obtain more credit among the reading public, than all the dispatches of the daily press put together. The news must necessarily be slow, but when it appears it will bear one recommendation on its face, and that is- “the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.” It may be superfluous to contradict such a habitual lying medium as the daily papers are; but if I suffered this to pass unnoticed, the half-million readers of the IRISH-AMERICAN, who anxiously look to this correspondence as containing the most reliable news from the James (as my opinions about the canal turned out to be) might construe my silence into an acquiescence of the truth of the report in question. And as the Apostle Thomas would not believe in the presence of his Divine Master, until he would see His wounds- so if the Thomases of New York or elsewhere will comer here, they can see, believe, and be convinced; and when the Onondaga is again in action, I hope these “correspondents” will be there, in propria persona, and look “before they leap.”

We have been recently reinforced by the iron-clads Atlanta and Saugus, who will act in the capacity of “little Gibralters.”

Yours, very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

Garryowen made many lyrical references in his correspondence. Among his most frequent was “That’s whats the matter”, which is a reference to the song of the same name, written by Stephen Foster in 1862.

[New York Irish-American Weekly 25 February 1865]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

FEB. 15, 1865.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen-The utmost quiet still prevails in this vicinity; and were it not that the cry from Richmond is still for war, we would, from appearance, indicate there was a “cessation of hostilities,” but the powers that be have determined otherwise. It appears the “Commissioners” and our illustrious President could not make both ends meet, we are therefore obliged to find the last man and the last ditch. Well, there is one point gained, the Lincoln and Johnston men have got their ultimatum, and the peace mongers are played out. So far so good. Now is the time for the advocates of a vigorous prosecution of the war to step to the front. Now is the acceptable time. They will be served daily with doses of “Davis & Lee” anti-Union pills, warranted an infallible and speedy cure for coughs, colds, rheumatic and spasmodic pains, and all the ills that flesh is heir to. These “Pills” are made up in the great central laboratory of Richmond, and issued by letters patent, with the broad seal of the “Confederate States” engrossed thereon. Walk up, gentlemen Republicans, Abolitionists and “War Democrats,” and partake of these wonderful and unerring pills! No matter about the quota. Your services are absolutely necessary now. And when a quietus is put on the rebellion and the pills exhausted you will have ample time to cypher out about the quota. It was and is somewhat pleasant to criticize military and naval operations around the saloons and restaurants of Broadway and the Bowery, the “music of your sweet harmonious strains” is now requisite in the vicinity of the James and Appomattox. Gen. Sherman would also accommodate a few enterprising young men with the “sinews of war,” and introduce them to the heart of the Confederacy. So walk up, gentlemen, to the Captain’s office, “touch the pen and take the bounty.”- Yours, very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

The interior of Confederate Fort Darling (Library of Congress)

The interior of Confederate Fort Darling (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 11 March 1865]

OUR IRON-CLADS IN THE JAMES RIVER

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

Feb. 26, 1865.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- With the exception of the various salutes fired here, from the different forts and batteries, in honor of our numerous victories, everything remains quiet on the James. Rumors, in the meantime, are ripe; and we nightly expect a nocturnal visit from our adversaries of the rebel fleet, which, when they do come, will find us amply prepared to receive them with a “Cead mille failthe,” and embrace them so affectionately that it is extremely doubtful if they can retrace their steps again. So, we say, by all means come on. If words nor grass had no effect at Hampton Roads, we will try the virtue of solid shot and shell at Dutch Gap. I was always of the opinion that this locality would be apt to furnish the “last man and last ditch,” and events seem to point to the correctness of that supposition. At all events, the hand-writing is on the wall.

The aspect of Irish-American affairs affords us unspeakable satisfaction; the dawning of a new era of Irish nationality, inaugurated by the spread of Fenianism, the only unerring cure for Ireland’s sufferings and misrule, and we say, God speed the good work. As is always the case, we observe that there are tares among the good wheat- some pious, holy, and zealous Catholics, who fear compromising our holy religion. Ah! my brothers in the faith, falter not; be Fenians in the right sense of the word; labor for the overthrow of every form of tyranny over the mind of man; and if we are perfect in every other action, the sin of liberating our country will never condemn our souls. However, it only remains for us- “Irish,” “Fenians,” “Nationalists,” or whatever you like to call us- to keep on the even tenor of our way; to be respectful to our clergy, to our Church, to be watchful of her interests, to be steadfast in her faith, to adhere with tenacity to her spiritual instructions and teachings, and by loving her more we will not love Ireland less; but by no combination of circumstances, no warnings of secret intrigue or “plottings,” should we deviate, or appear luke-warm, or disengage ourselves from the sacred obligation of endeavoring to free our native land. this is the “Alpha” and “Omega” of our existence. To this alone- apart from our religious obligations- we must direct our thoughts, our actions, our talents, our energy, our wealth, our sacred honors, and our lives.

“Prepare! prepare, in joy or care,

To fill the gap of danger;

And silent force will run its course

To swamp the subtle stranger.

Within that gap, our chains we’ll snap,

And conquer all before us:

If we prepare to do and dare,

With the Green Flag flying o’er us!”

Rally! then, my countrymen, around the standard of Fenianism; it is the only organization that is at all compatible to the wants of Ireland’s regeneration. The “opportunity” is approaching. The war clouds are clearing over the American horizon; the proud Stars and Stripes will ere long float defiantly and triumphantly from the house-tops of Richmond; the rebel traitors will hide their diminished heads in shame; and then our glorious eagle will spread her wings and span the broad Atlantic; she will alight on the perfidious carcass of proud England, accompanied with an auxiliary of a million of veteran warriors, whose vengeance will be let loose upon her to avenge the wrongs of centuries, which she indulged in with impunity; the epitaph of Emmet will be written in letters of gold; our country and our flag will once more take their place among the nations of the world, and Ireland, the “gem of the ocean.” will be herself again.

Yours, very truly,

GARRYOWEN.

The Water Battery on the James, ready to fire (Library of Congress)

The Water Battery on the James, ready to fire (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 8 April 1865]

AFFAIRS ALONG THE JAMES RIVER

(From our own Correspondent)

U.S. IRON-CLAD “ONONDAGA,”

DUTCH GAP, JAMES RIVER, VA.,

March 26, 1865.

Gentlemen- Availing myself of a few hours liberty ashore since my last letter to you, and having an opportunity to view the front of our lines and those of the rebels in this vicinity, it occurred to me that my observations might be of some interest to you readers, especially as circumstances would seem to indicate that hereabouts is destined to be found the “last man and the last ditch,” so long anxiously looked for. The course of the James River at Dutch Gap is so familiar to your readers, and the public in general, that it would be superfluous to refer to it here, further than to observe that at this point, on ascending this winding stream, and crossing overland at the junction where the canal or “gap” is cut,” you again strike the same river, and by taking a retrograde movement, you continue ascending the course “on to Richmond.” The distance in this direction- which is occupied by our pickets, and confronting the rebels- from the Gap to Fort Brady is about three miles, and from thence to Fort Harrison about one mile. This our extreme right of the Army of the James, which was permanently secured, after some hard fighting, last Fall, and which has proved of great advantage to us, both in a military and naval point of view. The enemy’s works, commencing with the “Howlett House” on our front, form a continuous line of fortifications along this route, including Fort Darling, to Richmond,- mounting, on the aggregate, about 100 guns and some 10 or 12 mortars. Arriving at Fort Harrison, I learned your correspondent, Dolan, was lately removed to some other station, but understood that he is indefatigable in his exertions and pleadings for the cause of the “Old Sod.” Retracing my steps I proceeded towards the “trustle bridge” at Aiken’s Landing, which I crossed to the south side of the James, and headed my course for “Crow’s Nest” signal tower, where I duly arrived and was received with a real old-fashioned Cead Mille Failthe by my young friend and enthusiastic countryman, John McElroy, a genuine, whole-souled Fenian, and an Irishman worthy of the name and race he belongs. He invited me to his “log cabin,” where something more exhilarating than the strong March wind which then prevailed, awaited me- and we “cheered up our spirits by letting some down.” Our conversation naturally turned on that which should concern all of our countrymen- the ways and means of freeing Ireland. Fenianism, said my ardent young friend is, I think, the great panacea for our country’s disease; and it to offer up our lives as a sacrifice on the battle-fields of Ireland is the aim and object of the Fenians, then, indeed, the Signal Corps of the Army of the James are with them. As proof of their sincerity, he furnished me the names of the leading members, that I might forward them to you for publication in this connection, assuring me, at the same time, that at the earliest possible moment (an order for an advance movement being now pending,) he would forward you their subscriptions for your patriotic journal, and also a remittance towards the funds of the Brotherhood. The following are the names alluded to- John McElroy, John Chambers, —- Harrington, Patrick Duffy, Dennis Lally, James Toman, F. Dolan (your correspondent from the Army of the James), Thos. L. Bovey, Maurice O’Brien, Edward Hawkins, John Mack, Corporal Wm. O. Miller, Franklin H. West, Pierce White, Chas. Emmons, all of the Signal Corps, and Corporal T. Ryan, 3d Rhode Island, Army of the James. You will observe others besides Milesian names here, but they are, nevertheless, in this movement, as “Irish as the Irish themselves.” I might mention that in the course of our interview, the time of my friend to go on duty having arrived, we repaired to the summit of the signal tower, the climbing of which forcibly reminds [illegible] ascending of “Jacob’s Ladder,” and there, as it were, “in the clouds,” over looking the broad expanse of the “seat of war,” the pros and cons of Ireland’s predicament were entered into, and the conclusion arrived at was-

“Who would be free,

Themselves must strike the blow.”

While thus engaged in our observatory, we noticed a large gathering of ladies and civilians below, with a fair sprinkling of gold laced officials among them. On inquiry we learned that it was no more or less that Maj. Gen. Meade and family, accompanied by Admiral Porter, and their respective staffs, viewing the front. The most curious of the kid-gloved gentry essayed on the signal-tower, and in breathless accents desired to see Richmond, which my friend, with true Celtic urbanity, gratified them with, by “setting” the telescope in the direction of the centre of treason and the home of the authors of all our adopted country’s misfortune and trouble. No doubt some of the Eastern journals will be illuminated, one of these fine mornings, with pen and ink sketches of observations from the seat of war in front of Richmond, “by a reliable gentleman now on a visit up the James River,” &c.,- all of which they saw at a safe distance, as the “soldier saw Bunratty” in Ireland.

As I was about bringing this letter to a close, it was announced that President Lincoln had arrived on a visit to the iron-clad fleet; and repairing on deck, I observed that illustrious gentleman on a tug proceeding towards the head of the fleet, and afterwards slowly descending in a row-boat viewing the iron “mud-turtles” as he passed. Our crew were drawn up on the port-side, rigged and equipped with Sharp’s rifles, and on his passing present arms, which Father Abraham acknowledged and passed on.

There are a numerous fleet of iron-clads here now, consisting of the Onondaga, Saugus, Sangamon, Atlanta, Lehigh, Mahopac, and Manadnock, together with a lot of vessels too numerous to mention.

Our antagonists are very still; not a sot to be heard on either side; but the prospects for an early movement are visible, and therefore we know not what a day may bring forth. In the meantime, I expect I will have the pleasure of perusing the number of the IRISH-AMERICAN containing these lines in the great metropolis of the United States.

Until then, I remain, yours, very-truly,

GARRYOWEN.

Fort Darling (Library of Congress)

Fort Darling- “One reason why we did not go to Richmond” (Library of Congress)

[New York Irish-American Weekly 22 April 1865]

RETURN OF “GARRYOWEN.”

305 W. 39TH St., NEW YORK.

April 10, 1865.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Gentlemen- It is a pleasing circumstance that immediately after the occupation of Richmond my term of service as a feeble “defender of the flag” expired; and as the iron-clad “Onondaga,” with which I was so long connected, participated, together with six other iron-clads and about a dozen gun-boats, I will briefly refer to the action taken by them in the glorious and triumphant event.

On Saturday night, the 1st inst., at about 12 o’clock, at a given signal, the fleet, numbering about eighty guns, opened simultaneously on the rebel batteries along the James from Howlett’s to Fort Darling, and kept up a furious and terrible bombardment for about four hours, compelling the rebels to evacuate, which they did, during the Sunday and Monday following, and the works and city of Richmond subsequently occupied by our forces.- As the events transpiring with this result are fresh in the memory of your readers, it may be only necessary for me to add that the wildest enthusiasm and excitement prevailed along the James as our gunboats ascended cautiously to Richmond-the work of dragging and clearing torpedoes being first carried out successfully by the small boats of the fleet, conspicuous among which and foremost to Richmond was the launch of the monitor “Onondaga,” under the skilful management of her Coxswain, John Cameron, who is a splendid specimen of a young “old salt.”- Among the steamers first to ascend were Admiral Porter’s flagship “Malvern,” with President Lincoln on board, who was cheered loudly; and the first boat to descend was the late rebel flag truce boat “William Allison,” with Vice Admiral Farragut on board, who, on leaving the Richmond wharf, observed the flagship entering, thereby demonstrating that the President was among the earliest visitors to the late rebel capital. Among other distinguished visitors I may mention Chief Engineer Henderson and Paymaster Brown of the “Onondaga,” on behalf of the navy; but not desirous of prolonging their stay only merely to satisfy themselves that Richmond was ours, these gentlemen returned immediately, and were among the first to confirm the glorious and triumphant news that the Stars and Stripes was floating proudly and defiantly over the hot-bed of treason, thus practically ending naval operations in that vicinity.

On my arrival home and subsequent intercourse with my countrymen, it affords me sincere pleasure to observe and bear testimony to the rapid and permanent growth of Fenianism among them, and the deep-rooted hold it has taken among the community in general. This is highly gratifying to all lovers of liberty and independence, and especially to those of us who are laboring with might and main to overthrow the greatest form of tyranny and oppression that ever wielded over the fairest portion of God’s earth; and let the most timid and lukewarm of our countrymen, whose “hopes” are buried, observe that, though “broken-hearted and lonely, Ireland yet hopes that her chains will be broken, when, with her harp’s shattered strings restored, she can sound the song of triumph, and place the garland of affection o’er the nameless grave of her martyred Emmet.”

In conclusion, allow me to return my sincere and heartfelt thanks to the officers and crew of the “Onondaga” for their uniform kindness and indulgence to me on board of that vessel, and I hope they will be soon permitted to return to their respective homes, and enjoy that peace and comfort which is so conformable to the human race.

Very respectfully your obedient servant,

GARRYOWEN.

The completed Dutch Gap Canal (Library of Congress)

The completed Dutch Gap Canal (Library of Congress)

References

New York Irish-American Weekly.


Filed under: Navy, New York, Resources Tagged: Irish American Civil War, Irish in New York, Irish in the Navy, Irish in U.S. Navy, James River Fleet, New York Irish-American, Union Ironclads, USS Onondaga

“I Sprung from A Kindred Race”: George McClellan Cultivates the Irish Vote, 1863

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The Irish of the North overwhelmingly supported the Democratic Party during the period of the American Civil War. Many had little time for Abraham Lincoln and the Republicans, and in the 1864 Presidential Election most rowed behind George McClellan– the former commander of the Army of the Potomac– who was hugely popular among the Irish. Though his Democratic affiliations made him the natural choice for many Irish, McClellan nonetheless had put work into endearing himself to them. One such occasion was his appearance at a meeting in 1863, organised to raise funds for the relief of the poor of Ireland. McClellan no doubt saw this as an ideal opportunity to garner significant Irish support. His speech that evening is reproduced in full below, as is an explanation from one Irish Legion voter as to why he intended to support McClellan in the 1864 Election.

George McClellan and his wife during the Civil War (Library of Congress)

George McClellan and his wife during the Civil War (Library of Congress)

 The speech below was given at the Academy of Music in New York on 7th April 1863. The event had been organised in an effort to raise funds for the relief of the poor of Ireland (to read more on these efforts, see posts here and here). The New York Times described the event as follows:

At half-past 7 o’clock the entire edifice was filled with beauty and fashion. On the stage were the officers of the Society known as the Knights of St. Patrick; Mayor Opdycke, who presided over the meeting; His Grace Archbishop Hughes; Rev. Messrs. O’Reilly, Mooney, Schneider, Hon. Judge Daly, Hon. Recorder Hoffman, Brig. Gen. Meagher, Very Rev. Dr. Starrs, Vicar General;Rev. Thomas Quinn, of Rhode Island, Rev. Mr. Moran, of Newark, Mator Kalbfleisch, of Brooklyn, and several other distinguished gentlemen, both of the lay and clerical orders. (1)

The evening wasn’t just for Democrats– Mayor Opdyke, who was also in attendance, was a staunch anti-slavery Republican. Among the other speakers was Thomas Francis Meagher, who although a Democrat, would ultimately support Abraham Lincoln in 1864. Though “Little Mac” protested that he had not intended to speak at the event, he had undoubtedly intended to do exactly that. His speech, which by all accounts was extremely well received, was calculated to link himself still further to the Irish. McClellan spoke of springing from a “kindred race,” and of witnessing the bravery of Irish soldiers on the battlefields of Mexico and the Civil War. He went as far as could reasonably be expected in condemning the British position in Ireland, pointing out that the Irish were little represented in the Government of Ireland and had no influence on the laws of the land. One can imagine what the expression of such views meant for those in the crowd with designs on gaining American support for Irish independence. He accentuated the idea that the United States had become a refuge for Irish exiles, stoking Irish pride by noting what a boon this had been for America. He closed by taking the opportunity to espouse the cause of Union, and the importance of the current fight. It would be more than a year before “Little Mac” would receive the Democratic nomination to challenge Abraham Lincoln, but, as his speech below demonstrates, he was already preparing the groundwork for Irish support in his future political career.

The Academy of Music was an impressive venue. This was the Russian Ball held there, only a few months after McClellan's speech, in November 1863 (Library of Congress)

The Academy of Music was an impressive venue. This was the Russian Ball held there, only a few months after McClellan’s speech, in November 1863 (Library of Congress)

MY FRIENDS: I came here to-night as a listener and spectator, not as a participant in the proceedings of the evening. I came to hear the ablest and best of the friends and sons of Ireland plead her cause to-night. I have departed from my usual rule to avoid large assemblies, because I knew that this meeting had neither partisan nor political purpose. [Cheers.]

I knew that you had assembled for the noblest of all purposes– that of charity towards suffering brethren in a distant land. I came here simply to evince my sympathy in your cause; for I have strong and peculiar reasons for feeling an intense sympathy for and interest in all that relates to Ireland and the Irish [great applause.] I sprung myself from a kindred race. I have often seen the loyalty of the Irish to their Government and to their General proved. I have seen the green flag of Erin borne side by side with our own Stars and Stripes through the din of battle [Cheers.] I have witnessed the bravery, the chivalry, the devotion of the Irish race, while I was a boy, on the fields of Mexico, and in maturer years on the fields of Maryland and Virginia [Loud cheers] It has often been my sad lot, pleasant withal, to watch the cheering, smiling patience of the Irish soldier while suffering from disease or ghastly wounds; and I have ever found the Irish heart warm and true. [Cheers]

I feel, then, that I have a right to sympathize with your cause to night. It is most unfortunate that there are so many in Ireland who need our sympathy; but at least we should thank our God that He has given us the means to extend our hands to them. [Enthusiastic cheering.] It is perhaps unfortunate for Ireland that laws, in the making of which the Irish have had but little to do- that a Government in which perhaps they been but little represented- should have induced so many to have left their native land and sought foreign climes. But what has been the loss of Ireland has been the gain of America [Cheers] It has given us some of the proudest intellects that have adorned our history, countless strong arms who have developed our resources, and soldiers innumerable, who, on every field, from those of the Revolution to those of the present sad rebellion, have upheld the honor of their adopted country. [Wild Cheers] And so, I repeated, we have gained what Ireland has lost. [Continued cheers]

One thing more before I close. Although, as I said before, we have come here to-night for no political purpose, yet no true friend of his country, in the present crisis, can repress altogether the thoughts that will crowd upon his brain. What is it that enables us now to extend our hands in succor to your brethren across the Atlantic? What is it that our fathers worked for, and for which we too worked, and are working now? It was to establish on this broad continent one nation, one free Government, that might be a refuge for all from foreign lands. I know, then, that I express the sentiments of all who listen to me when I say that all oue energies, all our thoughts, all our means, and, if necessary, the last drop of our blood, must be given to uphold that unity, that nationality. [Great cheering]

I did not rise to make a speech, but simply to express my warm and most cordial thanks for the greeting with which I have been honored. I will therefore thank you again, and then make way for abler and more eloquent men who will plead the cause of your country to-night. (2)

'Irish Brigade Giving to the Cause of Ireland', Detail from New York 'Irish World', 1903

‘Irish Brigade Giving to the Cause of Ireland’, for which McClellan was speaking. Detail from New York ‘Irish World’, 1903

When the election finally did arrive in 1864, many Irish were extremely vocal in their support for McClellan’s efforts. This widespread support is borne out among the private letters of soldiers I have been studying in the widow’s and dependent pension files. To gain a sense of some Irish views you can see previous posts here and here. A letter published in the Irish-American of 22nd October 1864 is illustrative of Irish backing for McClellan. It was written by Captain Thomas Norris of the 170th New York Infantry, part of Corcoran’s Irish Legion. At the time of his writing the Killarney, Co. Kerry native was in hospital in Annapolis, recovering from a wound received at Petersburg on 16th June 1864. Norris was best known in later years for his efforts to preserve the Irish language, which have been featured in a previous post here. Norris was replying to a letter from a (presumably Irish) Sergeant about the election, and particularly to a comment that all of the officers would vote for “Old Abe and the niggers”, highlighting how many Irish felt about Lincoln, African-Americans, and emancipation. It is worth noting that these views did not prevent men like this unnamed Sergeant from wanting to return to his regiment, and to fight for a Government which by this date had made clear its intent with respect to emancipation. Like many Irish troops, he likely felt emancipation was a means to an end in the goal of preserving the Union, which was the strongest ideological motivational factor for Irish (as for native-born) troops. (3)

Democratic Party Poster for the 1864 election supporting McClellan and Pendleton (Image via Wikipedia)

Democratic Party Poster for the 1864 election supporting McClellan and Pendleton (Image via Wikipedia)

OFFICER’S HOSPITAL, MIDDLE DEPARTMENT, ANNAPOLIS, MD., Oct. 4, 1864.

Dear Seargeant- I received yours of the 24th ult. I am glad to hear you are well, and in hope of going to your regiment soon. I feel no trouble, save all that my wounds give me, which is enough. I had a letter from the Colonel, stating that he had but sixteen men left with him in the regiment (we got cut up “right smart, I reckon”); but it is consoling to know that there is not a dark spot on our whole career, which is partly substantiated by our colors being still in our possession. We lost our men, but not our colors; we have them both yet.

You compliment me highly, indeed, when you say- “I suppose that all of you (officers) will vote for Old Abe and the niggers.” I think I taught you to be more respectful to your superior officers. But as you are so far away, you think you are all right. Did you ever see me do, or know me to say anything, not right, or honorable, or contrary to my principles, to please any person or to curry any favors? Did you ever hear me say that I did or would vote for President Lincoln? Don’t you know that I could do better out of the army as a citizen, than in it as an officer? and still you make use of the above language to me. As I am in the service for the country’s good, and not for the immediate good of my family, I intend to serve the country by voting for George B. McClellan. When President Lincoln was legally elected (not by my vote) to be the President of the United States, I thought it my duty to support him as such. So did George B. McClellan, and every true Democrat; and, no matter how we liked the workings of his administration (as soldiers), we found no fault. If he is again elected, I have no objection- nay, it will be my duty, to maintain him. I have done it before, with musket and sword, and I challenge a living man to say that I have not done my duty. But I must say, that I hope he won’t require support from either of us as the President of 1865. We are going to lick the South; but I hope the country will have a man that will say to the whipped party- “Arise and don’t whine over your bruises. It’s all your own fault. You have done wrong against your father’s house (the Government and the Constitution), and got the worst of it. Repent now of your past follies, and be good citizens in future, and you shall be men, once more, having all the rights and privileges our glorious Constitution guarantees to the children of the Republic. Yes, as for the Prodigal Son, we shall kill for you the fatted calf, on seeing signs of your repentance: we shall love each other once more, and be as one body and one fold, animated by one spirit, under one Government and one Constitution as framed by the never-to-be-forgotten fathers of American freedom and independence. Your rashness has brought desolation on yourselves and weeping to the whole country, but we must try to turn past evils to future profits. our family quarrel has developed our strength and resources, and proven the ability of our republican form of government to maintain itself from invasion from abroad or commotion from within, and put secession out of the question for evermore. But we are now, as we were before the war, a ‘Republic,’ and as a part of the same you shall stand without distinction. Let remorse be your punishment for the past; you are welcome once more to our sisterhood of States, on that equality which must exist in conformity with the nature and workings of republican institutions.”

The man to say the above is, in my estimation, George B. McClellan. He is the man to unite the whole country. And whilst I think so, I am with him; and I think that every man (soldier), who fought and bled for the Union, ought to be with and for him. No doubt, the mis-named Union men of to-day will call every man a “Copperhead” who does not pretend to endorse their pretended views. But I am afraid that a great many of these would hereafter wish- should they succeed at present in their crazy rantings, and perhaps drift the country into God knows what- that they had copper or brass heads, or no heads at all, instead of adder-heads and numbskulls. I hate what is called- Copperhead, or a rebel sympathiser, as much as the Devil hates holy-water, and, consequently, I detest the humbug calling himself a Republican who would feign have it believed that every good man who loves his country, and who considers it his duty to vote for Seymour or McClellan, is a Copperhead and a traitor. Did not the present President and his Administration force the pay of a Major-General on McClellan since he was relieved from command, whilst they deprived the country of his services. Then, are President Lincoln & Co., traitors and Copperheads? How consistent the prating of those radicals must be. I don’t go for permanent subjugation and a standing army in the South or elsewhere; that would be a military despotism, and only the beginning of monarchy. We must whip the rebels back into the Union, place their States on an equal footing with the other States, and themselves on an equality with the other citizens of the country. If they won’t have that, why I say we must either extinguish or exterminate them; for, with McClellan, I say, “The Union must be preserved at all hazards;” and we all know that there is not a man in the United States that can raise such a volunteer army for the purpose to-day as George B. McClellan. Then I say, my boy, that he must have my voice, and may God grant him success.

Yours, &c.,

THOMAS D. NORRIS,

Captain 170th Regt., N.Y. Vols. (4)

Despite the strength of Irish support, McClellan lost the 1864 Presidential election. President Abraham Lincoln advanced to a second-term, wartime victory, and assassination. In many respects, the Democratic Irish majority’s opposition to Lincoln and views towards emancipation have placed them on the wrong side of history. However, there was far more to their political views than simply racism towards African-Americans, and it is worth listening to their thoughts on the matter in order to attempt an understanding of those views.

Captain Thomas David Norris, 170th New York Infantry, Corcoran's Irish Legion, and veteran of the 69th New York State Militia at the First Battle of Bull Run. Perhaps the most major advocate of the Irish language to serve during the American Civil War (New York State Military Museum).

Captain Thomas David Norris, 170th New York Infantry, Corcoran’s Irish Legion, and veteran of the 69th New York State Militia at the First Battle of Bull Run. He voted for McClellan in the 1864 election. (New York State Military Museum).

(1) Irish American 9th April 1863; (2) Ibid.; (3) Irish American 22nd October 1864; (4) Ibid.;

References

New York Irish American Weekly 9th April 1863. The Suffering Poor of Ireland. Relief Meeting– Speech of Gen. McClellan.

New York Irish American Weekly 22nd October 1864. The Irish Soldiers for McClellan.


Filed under: 170th New York, Discussion and Debate, New York Tagged: 1864 Presidential Election, Corcoran's Irish Legion, Democratic Irish, Democratic Party, George McClellan, Irish American Civil War, New York Irish, Relief of Ireland

Portraits from the New York Irish-American Weekly: 1861

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Every week the New York Irish-American brought it’s news to Irish readers not just in The Empire State, but all over the United States. Many Irish soldiers at the front remained loyal readers of the newspaper throughout the Civil War. From time to time, the Irish-American printed portraits and illustrations of famous Irish-Americans, Catholics and places and objects relating to the Irish, which were carried on the front page of the paper. Some of these images were also available for commercial sale; portraits of famed leaders like Michael Corcoran and Thomas Francis Meagher proved particularly popular. In the first in a series of posts on these images that will cover each year of the American Civil War, we take a look at those that were included on the front page during 1861 (click the images to enlarge and read the captions).

Terence Bellew McManus. The Irish-American printed this on 20th April 1861, to commemorate the death of the Young Ireland leader in January 1861. It was based on one taken of him during his incarcertation in 1848. He died in povery in San Francisco, and his body was taken back to Ireland for burial (New York Irish American) Monseigneur Félix Dupanloup, Bishop of Orlean, France.  His portrait was printed on 11th May 1861 because of the Bishop's words pleading the cause of the Irish people (New York Irish American) Colonel Michael Corcoran of the 69th New York State Militia. Printed on 22nd June 1861. Less than a month after this was printed Corcoran was captured at First Bull Run. He died a Brigadier-General in 1863 (New York Irish American) A drawing of Fort Corcoran, the fortification constructed by the 69th New York State Militia at Arlington Heights, Virginia in 1861. This was printed on 13th July 1861, to give readers an idea of the layout of the Irishmen's fortification (New York Irish American) Captain Thomas Francis Meagher in his 69th New York State Miltia uniform (his Company K wore zouave style dress). This was printed on 17th August 1861, when the former Young Irelander was beginning the formation of the Irish Brigade of which he would become Brigadier-General (New York Irish American) Lieutenant-Colonel James Haggerty of the 69th New York State Miltia. The Donegal native was killed early in the action at First Bull Run on 21st July 1861. This portrait was printed on 5th October 1861 (New York Irish American) Colonel James A. Mulligan, commander of the 'Chicago Irish Brigade', the 23rd Illinois Infantry. The New York born Irish-American had recently been involved in the First Battle of Lexington, Missouri when this was printed on 19th October. He would later be mortally wounded at Second Kernstown in 1864 (New York Irish American) The flag of the new Irish Brigade. Now a familiar sight, this would have been the first time may Irish-Americans ever saw it. Printed on 7th December 1861 (New York Irish American)

References

New York Irish-American Weekly.

 

 


Filed under: Donegal, Fermanagh, New York, Sligo, Waterford Tagged: Fort Corcoran, Irish American Civil War, Irish Brigade, James A. Mulligan, James Haggerty, Michael Corcoran, Terence Bellew McManus, Thomas Francis Meagher

‘Beyond the Power of My Feeble Pen’: The Fate of a Limerick Octogenarian’s Sons in the West, 1862

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Limerickman Patrick Vaughan had lived a long life by the 1860s. He was born sometime around 1783, the year that the conflict between the American Colonies and Britain had finally drawn to a close. When rebellion broke out in Ireland and French troops marched to their support in 1798, Patrick was a teenager. He was in his early twenties when Napoleon Bonaparte proclaimed himself Emperor in 1804, and in his thirties by the time the ‘Little Corporal’ had his last hurrah on the battlefield of Waterloo. There are many details we don’t know about Patrick Vaughan’s life, but there is no doubting the momentous times he lived through. However, it seems unlikely that anything impacted him quite like events that took place in Tennessee and Arkansas in the spring and summer of 1862. By then in his eighties, it might have been expected that he had survived the worst life had to throw at him. But he had not reckoned on the escalation of the American Civil War in the Western Theater, and the extreme personal loss the fighting there would bring. (1)

One of Fort Donelson's River Batteries (Hal Jesperson)

One of Fort Donelson’s River Batteries, Tennessee (Hal Jesperson)

Patrick Vaughan and his family are not easy to track in the historical records, and efforts to locate them in the census and passenger lists have yielded little. Despite this, there are a number of things we know about their story. Patrick married Mary Long in Co. Limerick sometime around the year 1839. Patrick was many years Mary’s senior and was likely in his mid-fifties when they wed. The couple’s sons John and Patrick Junior were both born in Ireland, John around 1842 and Patrick about 1843, and they also had at least two–  probably at least three– daughters. Honora appears to have been the youngest in the family, and was still a child under 16 in 1862, by which time another daughter, Mary (Junior), was married to a man called Norrish in Pennsylvania. It seems highly likely that the family was in fact much larger– for example, another potential sister, Margaret, is referred to in family correspondence. The date of the Vaughan emigration to the United States is unclear, but was probably in the late 1840s or early 1850s. Mary, the matriarch of the family, died around 1854. This may have occurred after the family came to America, where they seem to have initially settled in Buffalo, New York. It was from there that Patrick’s two sons enlisted in the Union military at the coming of the American Civil War. (2)

The first of the Vaughan boys to march off to the conflict was the elder, John. He was still listed as a resident of Buffalo when he enlisted on 15th July 1861 at Saxon, Illinois. He was described as 19-years-old and 5 feet 10 inches in height with brown hair, blue eyes and a dark complexion. By trade John worked as a printer. On 20th July he mustered in as a private in Company B of the 11th Illinois Infantry at Bird’s Point, Missouri. His younger brother Patrick Junior followed him into the army a few months later. He was 18-years-old when he enlisted in Buffalo on 2nd September 1861, mustering in the following day as a private in Company D of the 49th New York Infantry. Patrick did not remain with the 49th for long, as he was earmarked for service with the Western Gunboat Flotilla. Duly transferred, by 1862 he was serving as Seaman aboard the ironclad gunboat USS Mound City. (3)

The USS Mound City, on which Patrick Vaughan Junior served (Naval History and Heritage Command)

The USS Mound City, on which Patrick Vaughan Junior served (Naval History and Heritage Command NH72806)

Meanwhile John had been writing home to his elderly father. The first letter that survives was written on 10th January 1862 from Bird’s Point, Missouri, where the 11th Illinois were encamped. As was (and remains) common, John had accidentally labelled the letter 1861, given how new the year was.

Camp Lyon, Bird’s Point, Mo, January 10th 1861 [sic.]

Dear Father:- I received a letter from Maurice Vaughan last Saturday stating that you were disabled by rheumatism and that you were dependent on the poormaster for support. I have delayed answering it until the present time in the hope that I would get paid off, so that I would be able to relieve your wants. We have not got paid off up to date, and all the troops here, are all fixed up for a march the wagons are all packed, and the boys are all fixed up for it. There is a rumor now in camp that we will get paid before starting. If we do, I will send you ten dollars immediately, and I am going to send the same amount to Margaret as I have received a couple of letters from her. I have written to Patrick requesting him to do all he can for you. I think this expedition is bound to take Columbus as it will compose about 7 seventy five thousand troops. I have been sick for the last two weeks and this morning the doctor told me not to go, but I am bound to go though I have to disobey doctors orders. I will direct the package in care of Maurice Vaughan. I have nothing more to say at present but hope you will enjoy good health.

From your affectionate son,

John Vaughan. (4)

Patrick Vaughan had remained in the workforce despite his advanced age, but bouts of rheumatism were affecting his ability to earn a living, forcing him to rely on charity. With two sons in the army, the erratic nature of their pay must have hampered their efforts to support him, as John’s letter indicates. John’s determination to go on the mission from Bird’s Point also demonstrates a strong motivation for service, reflected in his early enlistment date. Three days after writing, John did indeed move out on an expedition towards Columbus, Kentucky. By the time of his next letter, written ten days later, he was back Bird’s Point:

Camp Lyon, Bird’s Point, Jan 20th/62

Dear Father:- I sent you my likeness a week ago, with ten dollars enclosed in it in care of Maurice Vaughan. I sent you a letter the same day also. I hope you have received them by this time. In the letter I informed you of our going on a march the next day. We went on the march, and returned this afternoon, after an absence of six days. We had a hard time of it, as it was either raining, snowing, or thawing the whole time. We had to march through mud and [illegible] over knee deep, but the boys did not care for that, as we all thought we would have a fight. We were doomed to disappointment however, and the only grumbling the boys done was when we were ordered to return to our old quarters. The expedition went out the Columbus and Bowling Green railroad, burned some bridges, and destroyed several miles of the railroad, so as to keep the enemy from reinforcing them at that latter place, and battle is expected there every day. Before starting, I bought myself a pair of boots for five dollars, an I got my moneys worth out of them on the one trip. I sent twenty dollors to Margaret in a likeness the same day I sent yours. I also sent a likeness to Patrick. I would like to have your likeness as soon as convenient. I will do all I can for the whole of you, and none of you will want to for anything while I have a cent. I have written several letters to Patrick urging him to do all he could for you. I would like to have you write often, as nothing will raise the drooping spirits of a soldier quicker than to receive a letter from those he holds dear to him. We have a good time here, but I hope this war will soon be over, so that I can again go to work at my trade. There is nothing of interest going on here at present, so I will bring my letter to a close as it is now getting late.

From your affectionate son,

John Vaughan.

Direct your letter to,

John Vaughan

Co B, 11th Regt, Ill. Vol.

Bird’s Point, Mo. (5)

John and his comrades went on another brief sortie between 25th and 28th January, before embarking on transports on the 2nd February – twelve days after the above letter– for one of the key campaigns of the war. They were part of the force Ulysses S. Grant was taking to subdue the Confederate positions of Fort Henry on the Tennessee River and Fort Donelson on the Cumberland River. Fort Henry fell on 6th February without the infantry being seriously engaged, but it would be a different story at Fort Donelson, located twelve miles away. The Union troops moved into position around the Fort on 12th February, with John and the 11th Illinois forming part of W.H.L. Wallace’s Brigade in McClernand’s Division, holding the right of the line. They were still there three days later, when the Confederate defenders in the Fort decided to target their sector in an attempted breakout. The 11th Illinois were attacked from front and flank, and even had to contend with cavalry in their rear. They, like the majority of McClernand’s men, were forced to retreat. Though the route for Confederate escape from Donelson lay open, they inexplicably failed to take it, and retreated back into the Fort, where they would ultimately be forced into an unconditional surrender the next day by Ulysses S. Grant, as he began to build the reputation that would see him become the conflict’s leading General. But it was a victory that had come at a staggering cost to the 11th Illinois. The regiment had brought in the region of 5oo men into the fight at Fort Donelson, suffering a shocking 330 casualties. John Vaughan was one of them, wounded by a gunshot. He died on the hospital transport ship City of Memphis, either on the 18th or 21st February (though one report suggests he may have survived until landing in Paducah, Kentucky). (6)

Seeking Union wounded on the field at Fort Donelson. John Vaughan was one of those who fell injured there. (Library of Congress)

Seeking Union wounded on the field at Fort Donelson. Limerick’s John Vaughan was one of those who fell injured there. (Library of Congress)

Patrick Vaughan had lost his older son. His younger son Patrick Junior–the seaman in the Western Gunboat Flotilla– likely only missed the action in which his brother was mortally wounded because the USS Mound City was not employed with the other boats of the Flotilla in the engagement. He was probably with her at Island No. 10 on the Mississippi River in March, and was heavily engaged at Plum Point Bend on the Mississippi in May, when she was very heavily damaged. The next action for Patrick Junior and the Mound City came as part of the White River expedition in June 1862. The aim of the expedition was to bring support up the White River to Union General Samuel Curtis’s troops operating in Arkansas. On 17th June the expedition encountered Confederate batteries at St. Charles, Arkansas. After disembarking troops to attack the position from land, the USS Mound City and the rest of their flotilla headed upstream to engage from the water side. Lieutenant McGunnegle, of the USS St. Louis, described what happened next:

The moment we discovered the situation of the enemy’s battery the cannonading from our side became terrific. In a few moments the Mound City had advanced to within about 600 yards of the enemy, when a well-directed shot from a new battery situated a little higher up the bluff penetrated her port casemate a little above and forward of the gun port, killing three men in its flight and exploding her steam drum. So soon as this sad accident occurred many of her crew leaped overboard; all boats were instantly sent to her relief…The Mound City drifted down and across the stream. The Conestoga boldly came up and towed her out of action…the enemy shooting all the while at the St. Louis and the wounded of the Mound City struggling in the water…Our victory was a complete one, but the loss of life on board the Mound City by the explosion of the steam drum is frightful…to endeavor to describe the howling of the wounded and the moaning of the dying is far beyond the power of my feeble pen. (7)

The interior of a sanitary steamer, similar to the 'City of Memphis' on which John Vaughan breathed his last (Naval History and Heritage Command)

The interior of a sanitary steamer, similar to the ‘City of Memphis’ on which John Vaughan breathed his last (Naval History and Heritage Command NH58897)

The horrific scalding death caused by steam explosions aboard Civil War vessels were among the most feared in the naval service. Bearing witnessing to such events also left an indelible mark. Only two of the Mound City officer’s survived unscathed, and it was remarked that one of them– First Master Dominy– had to be sent back to Memphis, as ‘having witnessed the terrible catastrophe, his mind appeared to be greatly exercised.‘ Aside from those who died a horrible death on board, Lieutenant McGunnegle also believed that ‘many, very many, must have been killed by the enemy while struggling in the water.‘ The loss of life was truly astonishing. No fewer than 103 of the crew were killed, with many more severely wounded. Unsurprisingly given their high service rates in the Union Navy, many Irish were among them. One was Patrick Vaughan Junior. Whether he had died in agony engulfed by scalding steam or been shot down while struggling in the river will remain a mystery. (8)

Within the space of four months in 1862, Patrick Vaughan lost both his young sons to the fighting in the Western Theater. Though the two boys  had initially enlisted in the army, it seems they were fated to both breath their last aboard ships. The future of the octogenarian once again hung in the balance. In the pension application that followed, he decided to base his claim on John’s service, as his elder son had given more financial aid for his support– between $50 and $60 a year. It did not prove difficult for him to prove his incapacity to earn a living. William Watson, a surgeon in Dubuque, Iowa, examined him in 1869. He recorded that Patrick was ‘entirely incapacitated by old age…he also has a large inguinal hernia of the left side which would disable him if he were many years younger.’ In 1870 Watson was also asked to comment on Patrick’s age, which by this point was said to be 87 years. The surgeon had no doubt this was correct, as ‘his appearance fully justifies its truthfulness.’ Patrick was being examined in Dubuque because he had moved to Ballyclough in Dubuque County, a largely Irish settlement–unsurprising given its name. It is there that he makes the only census appearance I have been able to locate, where he was enumerated as ‘Patrick Baughan’ in 1870. He lived with 55-year-old farmer Michael Nagle, his 54-year-old wife Johanna, both Irish natives, and their 19-year-old Iowa born daughter Philomena. Why he was with them is unknown, but perhaps they were relatives. Both Michael and Johanna gave statements as to their knowledge of his marriage and the support provided by his sons. In an interesting postscript, in 1863 Patrick’s minor daughter Honora was to be found in New Brighton, Beaver County, Pennsylvania, where Moses Knott, an English-born toll clerk, was appointed her legal guardian, seemingly with the support of Honora’s sister Mary. Moses applied for a pension for Honora based on the fact that her brother John had supported her, though this appears to have been unsuccessful. (9)

Patrick Vaughan seems to have lived until around 1877. Though the details on his family, spread across Ireland and the United States, are scant, there is little doubt that the emotional hardship he experienced across those four months in 1862 must have been on a par with the worst days of his already very long life. On the roll call of momentous events that he had lived through across more than nine decades, Fort Donelson and the fate of the USS Mound City must have loomed large.

The list of dead from the USS Mound City from the Official Records. Limerick's Patrick Vaughan is among them. (Official Records)

The list of dead from the USS Mound City from the Official Records. Limerick’s Patrick Vaughan is among them. (Official Records)

(1) John Vaughan Pension File; (2) Ibid.; (3) Ibid., Illinois Muster Roll Database, New York Muster Roll Abstracts; (4) John Vaughan Pension File; (5) Illinois Adjutant General Regimental & Unit Histories, John Vaughan Pension File; (6) Illinois Adjutant General Regimental & Unit Histories, Civil War Trust Fort Donelson Page, Official Records Series 1, Vol. 7: 199, 182, John Vaughan Pension File; (7) Official Records Navy Series 1, Vol. 23: 166; (8) Ibid.: 167, 180, John Vaughan Pension File; (9) John Vaughan Pension File, 1870 US Census; 

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References & Further Reading

WC143659. Pension of Patrick Vaughan, Dependent Father of John Vaughan, Company B, 11th Illinois Volunteer Infantry.

John Vaughn: Illinois Muster Roll Database.

Patrick J. Vaughn New York Muster Roll Abstract.

1860 U.S. Federal Census, New Brighton Ward 1, Beaver, Pennsylvania.

1870 U.S. Federal Census, Table Mound, Dubuque, Iowa.

Civil War Trust Battle of Fort Donelson Page.

Illinois Adjutant General Regiment and Unit Histories.

Official Records Series 1, Volume 7. Return of Casualties in the First Division (McClernand’s), at Fort Donelson, Tenn., February 13-15, 1862.

Official Records Series 1, Volume 7. Report of Lieut. Col. T.E.G. Ransom, Eleventh Illinois Infantry. 

Official Records Navy, Series 1, Volume 23. Report of Lieutenant McGunnegle, U.S. Navy, commanding U.S.S. St. Louis, regarding the attack on St. Charles batteries and explosion on board the U.S.S. Mound City. 

Official Records Navy, Series 1, Volume 23. List of dead belonging to U.S. gunboat Mound City, to June 19, 1862.

Fort Donelson National Battlefield.

Hal Jesperson Photography Wikipedia Page.

Naval History and Heritage Command.


Filed under: Battle of Fort Donelson, Iowa, Limerick, New York Tagged: 11th Illinois Infantry, 49th New York Infantry, Battle of Fort Donelson, Irish American Civil War, Irish in Buffalo, Irish in Iowa, Limerick Emigrants, USS Mound City

‘Pro Patria Mori’: The 94th New York Memorial & the Irish of Oak Ridge, Gettysburg

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I have just returned from a visit to the Gettysburg battlefield, a journey that will be the subject of a number of posts over the coming weeks and months. While there I had the opportunity to stay in the wonderful Doubleday Inn, which is located on Oak Ridge, part of the first day’s battlefield. The hospitality of Christine, Todd and Cooper while we were there helped to make a memorable few days even better. Each morning I looked from the door of the inn at the monument and flank markers of the 94th New York Infantry, situated directly across the road, and each morning I took the opportunity to spend a few moments there. I wondered about the experiences of the Irishmen in that unit, who went through the horrors of battle only yards from where I now slept. In this post, I tell part of the stories of two of them, who more than 150 years ago experienced Oak Ridge at its worst.

The Doubleday Inn on Doubleday Avenue, Oak Ridge, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

The Doubleday Inn on Doubleday Avenue, Oak Ridge, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

James Dolan was almost 40-years-old by the time of the Battle of Gettysburg. He had enlisted from Rochester’s Fifth Ward in December 1861, becoming a private in the 105th New York Infantry. The iron moulder had married fellow Irish-emigrant Mary Sullivan in Rochester on 9th October 1842; in 1860 they lived with their 17-year-old son Michael, a gas-fitter, 13-year-old Julia, 10 year-old Eliza and 4-year-old James at 40 Hand Street. They were not well enough-off that Mary did not have to supplement the household income, and she worked as a seamstress. James had seen some hard-fighting with the 105th in the early part of the war, and in March 1863 he and his remaining Rochester comrades were consolidated into five companies and transferred to the 94th New York. It was as a soldier in Company G of that regiment that he marched onto Oak Ridge on 1st July 1863. There is little doubt that he should never have been there. Just prior to the commencement of the Gettysburg Campaign, James was suffering severely from diarrhoea and ‘camp fever’ at the regimental camp in Aquia Creek, Virginia. Although he appeared to recover, the arduous march in pursuit of Lee’s Army in June caused a major relapse of his illness. On the 29th June, as the regiment arrived in Emmitsburg, Maryland from Frederick, James’s Captain ordered the Irishman into an ambulance and told him to report to the regimental surgeon, David Chamberlain. Chamberlain was fatalistic about what he saw. In his analysis, James’s ‘constitution was broken and he was hopelessly used up by reason of his exposure and service.’ Not only that, but in his assessment Chamberlain ‘did not expect he [Dolan] would live but a few hours and was much surprised the next day [30th June] to see him alive.’ By any measure, James Dolan should not have been in the ranks at Oak Ridge. Indeed, his very presence there was in defiance of the odds, with his own regimental surgeon considering him to be at death’s door. But James Dolan does not appear to have been the type of man to let his comrades down, particularly when he knew a fight was coming. (1)

The 94th New York Infantry Memorial, Oak Ridge, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

The 94th New York Infantry Memorial, Oak Ridge, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

Something of the measure of James Dolan can be gleaned from what his officers said about him. After Gettysburg, his Captain, John McMahon (a native of Co. Cork, later Colonel of the 188th New York and Brevet Brigadier-General), recalled how ‘Dolan refused to leave the ranks and kept on with the regiment.’ McMahon was among the captured at Gettysburg, but in his estimation Dolan ‘was as good a soldier as ever served.’ His First Lieutenant, Isaac Doolittle, felt that he ‘was as good a soldier as ever left the City of Rochester.’ His determination to join his regiment on the field of battle on 1st July 1863 certainly suggest he was a fine serviceman. What became of him? Private William F. Dart was with James on Oak Ridge:

…he received a gunshot in the hand at Gettysburg…[Dart]…was in the same front rank with…Dolan when he was so wounded and while assisting…Dolan to the rear… he was again shot through the right shoulder by the enemy..[Dart]…got him (with assistance) to the rear of the Cemetery at…Gettysburg where he left him…[and] rejoined his company…he did not see…Dolan again until the until the fourth…he was then in a barn near said Cemetery…Dolan with others of the wounded were sent to Philadelphia on the night of the fourth… (2)

James Dolan was admitted to Saterlee Military Hospital in Philadelphia on 5th July. He seemed to recover quickly from his injuries, and on the 15th July he applied for, and was granted, a five day furlough to go and see his family. He never made it. Within days his body was returned to the hospital, his cause of death unspecified. Presumably he had succumbed to a combination of his original illness and his Gettysburg wounds. On 20th July a telegram was sent to his brother informing him of the fateful news. (3)

The telegram sent to James Dolan's brother informing him of his death in Philadelphia (National Archives/Fold3)

The telegram sent to James Dolan’s brother informing him of his death in Philadelphia (National Archives/Fold3)

Another Irishman who marched onto Oak Ridge on 1st July was James Ratigan of Company E. In his case, we know precisely where in Ireland he was from. His parents Thomas Ratigan and Mary Kelly had married in Kilcormick, Co. Longford on 15th March 1821. Mary had died in Ireland in September 1839, and almost immediately afterwards Thomas emigrated to New York. Among those he had in tow was his infant son James. As was so often the case, Thomas Ratigan had not emigrated in isolation– he had gone to be with fellow immigrants from Co. Longford. They had settled in and around the town of Scriba, Oswego County, and it was there that Thomas started a new life, running a 20 acre farm. As the years passed, rheumatism impacted Thomas’s ability to work the land, and he increasingly relied on James to help him with it. That ended in February 1862, when 24-year-old James enlisted at Sackett’s Harbor. We know that the young man retained a strong interest in Ireland, as did many men in the 94th Infantry. Previous work I have carried out on those men who donated portions of their army wages to be sent to the relief of the poor in Ireland in 1863 (see here), only weeks before Gettysburg, identified a number of soldiers of the 94th New York, including James. The names, contributions and ultimate fates of those who contributed are available in Table 1 below. Aside from James, a number of other donors from the 94th were killed or wounded on the field at Gettysburg:

Allen, Thomas 94th New York $1.00 June 1864 (P.O.W.)
Ball, John 94th New York $1.00 Five Forks (K.I.A.)
Barry, John 94th New York $1.00
Bates, Jacob 94th New York $1.00
Boyce, Richard 94th New York $1.00
Boyne, Richard 94th New York $2.00 Five Forks (K.I.A.)
Brennan, Edward 94th New York $1.00 Deserted
Burns, James H. 94th New York $1.00
Calvin, John 94th New York $0.50 Disability
Canty, James 94th New York $1.00 Weldon Railroad (P.O.W.)
Carey, Calvin G. 94th New York $1.00 Gettysburg (W.)
Carroll, Peter 94th New York $1.00 Weldon Railroad (P.O.W.), Salisbury (D.D.)
Chamberlain, David C. 94th New York $2.00
Clemens, William 94th New York $0.50 Weldon Railroad (P.O.W.)
Congor, Edward 94th New York $0.50
Connors, Patrick 94th New York $1.00
Curtain, Jefferson 94th New York $2.00
Coyle, Patrick 94th New York $2.00 Petersburg (W.)
Croaker, Albert 94th New York $2.00 Weldon Railroad (P.O.W.)
Creelie, Thomas 94th New York $1.00
Delaney, Michael 94th New York $1.00
Donohue, Michael 94th New York $1.00
Donovan, William 94th New York $2.00 Deserted
Fitzgerald, John R. 94th New York $5.00 Weldon Railroad (P.O.W.), Point Lookout (D.)
French, George 94th New York $5.00 1864 (P.O.W.), Five Forks (K.I.A.)
Friend, A 94th New York $1.00
Galvin, Michael 94th New York $1.00 Weldon Railroad (P.O.W.)
Graham, Owen 94th New York $1.00
Haggerty, John 94th New York $1.00
Hayes, E. 94th New York $1.00
Heary, Matthew 94th New York $1.00
Hickey, M. 94th New York $5.00
Howell, John 94th New York $1.00
Jacobs, Michael 94th New York $1.00 Deserted
Johnson, John 94th New York $3.00 Court-martialled
Kerns, James 94th New York $2.00
King, John 94th New York $2.00
Kinsella, William 94th New York $1.00 Gettysburg (W.)
Mackey, Alexander 94th New York $1.00 Deserted
Mangan, James 94th New York $1.00
Mapey, William 94th New York $1.00
McArdle, James 94th New York $1.00 Weldon Railroad (P.O.W.)
McCullagh, P. 94th New York $1.00
McDonald, Robert 94th New York $1.00 Weldon Railroad (P.O.W.)
McGlinn, Francis 94th New York $1.00
McGuire, John 94th New York $1.00
McKee, Robert 94th New York $1.00 Deserted
McKendry, William 94th New York $2.00 Gettysburg (K.I.A.)
McKenna, Charles 94th New York $2.00 Gettysburg (W.)
McLarney, John 94th New York $1.00 June 1864 (W.)
McMahon, John 94th New York $10.00 Gettysburg (P.O.W.)
McMaster, Charles 94th New York $1.00 Petersburg (W.)
McMackin, James 94th New York $1.00
McQuickin, H. 94th New York $1.00
Mulligan, Patrick 94th New York $1.00 Deserted
Nichols, Alexander 94th New York $0.50
O’Donnell, John 94th New York $1.00
O’Donoghue, Florence 94th New York $1.00
Pringle, George 94th New York $1.00
Rattigan, James 94th New York $1.00 Gettysburg (K.I.A.)
Rogers, J.H. 94th New York $1.00
Rooney, James 94th New York $1.00
Sard, Thomas P. 94th New York $1.00
Slattery, Michael 94th New York $2.00 Weldon Railroad (W.), Disability
Sullivan, John 94th New York $1.00
Sullivan, Patrick 94th New York $2.00
Sunman, Thomas 94th New York $1.00
Taylor, Steadman 94th New York $1.00
Thrasher, George 94th New York $1.00 Deserted
Turim, Daniel 94th New York $1.00
Whalen, Daniel 94th New York $1.00
Winn, Patrick 94th New York $1.00

Table 1. 94th New York donors in 1863 for the Relief of the Poor of Ireland (Damian Shiels) (4)

Looking south along Doubleday Avenue on Oak Ridge and the memorials that mark the First Corps line. The 94th NEw York memorial is located just before the woods (Damian Shiels)

Looking south along Doubleday Avenue on Oak Ridge and the memorials that mark the First Corps line. The 94th New York memorial is located just before the woods (Damian Shiels)

No details survive as to how James Ratigan met his death at Gettysburg, but it likely occurred not far from the regimental memorial on Oak Ridge. Unsurprisingly, his loss left his father in dire straights. He turned to the community of Longford emigrants in Oswego to help him secure his pension; people like Michael Connor, who testified in 1870 that he had lived in Scriba for 34 years and had known both Thomas Ratigan and his wife Mary in Longford, and Elizabeth Fineran, who in 1868 related that she had lived in Oswego County for 30 years but had known the Ratigans for 40 years, having emigrated from Longford two years before them, in 1838. By so doing they revealed the Ratigan’s reasons for selecting Oswego County as their new home, a decision which ultimately led James to Oak Ridge on 1 July 1863, some 23-years after his departure from Ireland. (5)

Both James Dolan’s wife and James Ratigan’s father received Federal pensions based on their service, from which much of the above detail has been gleaned. They demonstrate the impacts on just two Irishmen and their families of the fighting on Oak Ridge- just two experiences among the hundreds that affected Irish emigrants in the fields of Gettysburg, spread through innumerable units. They are a further example to us that if we want to fully explore the Irish experience resulting from engagements like Gettysburg, then we must look beyond just ethnic Irish units such as the Irish Brigade and the 69th Pennsylvania, and seek to uncover the stories of the majority- those who did not march into history beneath a green banner. (6)

The official New York Roll of Honor records the names of fifteen men of the 94th New York Infantry who died as a result of the fighting at Gettysburg. Aside from James Dolan and James Ratigan, the names of a number of others suggest they were Irish-American. The full list is as follows:

Company A: Sergeant John Stratton

Company B: Private Albert E. Dickson

Company C: Sergeant Henry Saunders, Private William L. McIntyre

Company D: Private Michael Donohue, Private John Glaire Jr.

Company E: Private William McKendry, Private James Ratigan

Company F: Sergeant Lawrence Hennessy

Company G: Private James Dolan

Company H: Corporal James Cooney, Private William Bastian, Private Lemon T. Miner

Company K: Private Benzette Fuller, Private William H. Wydner (7)

At the 94th New York Memorial, the first memorial I visited at Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

At the 94th New York Memorial, erected in 1888- the first memorial I visited at the Gettysburg battlefield (Damian Shiels)

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) James Dolan Pension File, 1860 Federal Census; (2) James Dolan Pension File; (3) Ibid. (4) Thomas Ratigan Pension File, Donors to the Irish Relief Fund; (5) Thomas Ratigan Pension File; (6) Ibid.; (7) New York Monuments Commission 1902: 223;

References & Further Reading

WC140100 Certificate of Thomas Ratigan, Dependent Father of James Ratigan, Company E, 94th New York Infantry.

WC143641 Certificate of Mary Dolan, Widow of James Dolan, Company G, 94th New York Infantry.

1860 United States Federal Census.

New York Monuments Commission 1902. Final Report on the Battlefield New York at Gettysburg, Volume 1.

Gettysburg National Military Park.

Civil War Trust Battle of Gettysburg Page.


Filed under: Battle of Gettysburg, Longford, New York Tagged: 94th New York Infantry, Irish American Civil War, Irish at Gettysburg, Irish in New York, Irish in Oswego, Irish in Rochester, Longford Emigrants, National Archives Widows Pensions

“Mother many a good man wint acrost the river but never come back, it was murder”: An Irishman at Fredericksburg & Gettysburg

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I am currently working through the New York unit casualties at Gettysburg to draw together all those of Irish-birth or Irish ethnicity who lost their lives as a result of that engagement. Four men of the 65th New York Infantry (1st United States Chausseurs) died as a result of the fighting that July– almost certainly three were of Irish birth. The story of one of them, Westmeath’s John Clark, has been told on the site previously (see here). Another was John O’Brien. A few months before his death, he wrote his mother a letter– it would seem following the Battle of Fredericksburg– which described a near fatal incident during an artillery bombardment. John was once again subjected to such a bombardment at Culp’s Hill, Gettysburg on 3rd July 1863, with less fortunate results. (1)

John’s parents John and Margaret O’Brien had been married in Ireland on 26 June 1840, by a Reverend Father Delaney. They had afterwards settled in the United States, but John Senior had passed away in Paterson, New Jersey on 21st September 1852. Both Margaret and young John had to dedicate themselves to working for their own support. While her son contributed his wages towards the family rent, Margaret provided the majority of the other necessaries through her work as a servant, one of the countless “Irish Bridgets” in domestic service. During the 1860s their home was in Manhattan, at 243 Mulberry Street. (2)

Today’s 243 Mulberry Street in New York. Margaret O’Brien lived at this address in the 1860s.

Although not an Irish regiment, the 65th New York Infantry had many Irishmen in the ranks. Perhaps the most notable was Andrew Byrne, who would eventually return to Ireland and write his memoirs, now published (see here). John O’Brien was another. He had enlisted on 21st August 1861 at the age of 19, going on to serve as a private in Company H. The regiment had seen heavy fighting on the Peninsula during the summer of 1862, but had avoided the worst of the fighting at Antietam and Fredericksburg, though they were more closely involved in the action around Fredericksburg during the Chancellorsville Campaign. In John’s file is the letter he wrote to his mother, which although problematic, appears to have been composed after the December 1862 Battle of Fredericksburg (though there are slight errors in dates, location names and casualties, John’s description of the fighting would appear to match the regiment’s experience there). Despite the fact that the 65th was not heavily engaged, John’s correspondence provides an extremely interesting insight into cooperation with Rebels on picket duty, the strains of experiencing a bombardment, and the shock that the heavy defeat at Fredericksburg caused throughout the Army of the Potomac. (3)

VA the 22nd 1862 [sic]

camp at fare oak church [White Oak Church]

Dear Mother

wit pleasure i rite thoes fue lines to you hoping that they may finde you in good helt as the departure of them leves me at preasant thanks be to god for his mercies to us all. Dear Mother we crosed the river on the 11th and we wer the 1st Division to cross we re crost on the 17th all the time we wer on the other side we had to stand the fire of artilire the ground shuck with the fire of canon we were on picket the night our army fell back all day we had good time the rebel picket said if we did not fire on them they would not fire on us so there was no firing all day at a bout 4 oclock our artilirey opened on the rebel batrie and they made it the hotest place I ever was in the rebels did not fire a shot but our batrie sent half there shells in to our picket the most of them fell in our company but if our batrie had not opened the rebel batrie wold sweep us of the face of the ert [earth] they wer siting there pecies to open on us but ower battrie left not a man at the rebel batrie after our batrie had stoped the rebels came and drove [?] these batrie of wit hand after that we had a good time of it we fell back a bout 10 oclock that was the first we knew of our army falling back they wer a crost the river when we got relieved we could not speak above our breth until we crost the brig[e] so we wer the first and last to cros. Dear Mother I sent 60 Dolers to you on the 18th rite as soon as you get it I rote a letter to you on the 30th of last mont but got no answer rite as soon as you get this let me know how all the folkes is. Mother many a good man wint a crost the river but never come back it was murder you could compare it to any thing else we had to stay on the plane and look up on the rebels in there fortifickasions and redouts I believe they could [have] slane every man that crost the river if they opened there guns on us but thank god for it we lost about 9 out of our regt it was as looky as any in the field I may thank my aging[?] for my life the shell came so close that I doged it and it tuck the next companie it tuck two men if I had not droped to the ground as soon as the shell left the gun my hed wold have been swept of. it is very cold here nights we ar on the bankes of the river and it is more than cold you asked me how long I was enlisted for I am enlisted for the ware or 3 years I hav one yare to serve after the 1st of Jeulia [July] let me know how Mr Haley and familie is No more at preasant from your son

John O Brien. (4)

Of course, the reason this letter survives is because John O’Brien died as a result of his service. During the bombardment which the 65th New York endured at Culp’s Hill on 3rd July (the same bombardment which so horribly killed John Clark), John’s luck at dodging shells ran out. His officer later recorded that he was “killed at the Battle of Gettysburg Pa on the 3rd day of July 1863 by a solid shot passing through his body.”  (5)

The monument to the 65th New York at Culp's Hill, Gettysburg, which I took the opportunity to visit on my recent trip. Both John Clark and John O'Brien died as a result of artillery bombardment not far from this spot (Damian Shiels)

The monument to the 65th New York on Culp’s Hill, Gettysburg, which I took the opportunity to visit on my recent trip. Both John Clark and John O’Brien died as a result of artillery bombardment not far from this spot (Damian Shiels)

(1) John O’Brien Widow’s Pension File; (2) Ibid.; (3) 65th New York Roster, John O’Brien Widow’s Pension File; (4) John O’Brien Widow’s Pension File; (5) Ibid.

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References & Further Reading

WC73540 of Margaret O’Brien, Dependent Mother of John O’Brien, Company H, 65th New York Infantry.

New York Adjutant General. Roster of the 65th New York Volunteer Infantry.

Gettysburg National Military Park.

Civil War Trust Battle of Gettysburg Page.


Filed under: Battle of Fredericksburg, Battle of Gettysburg, New York Tagged: 1st U.S. Chausseurs, 65th New York Infantry, Culp's HIll, Irish American Civil War, Irish at Gettysburg, Irish in Manhattan, Irish in New York, Mulberry Street Irish

Time to Move Beyond the Irish Brigade? The Problems with Studying Ethnic Irish Units– A Case Study of the New York Irish at Gettysburg

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When we think and examine the Irish of the American Civil War, we often consider first and foremost ethnic units; formations such as the Irish Brigade, Corcoran’s Legion or regimental level contingents such as the 9th Massachusetts and 69th Pennsylvania. Such units have undeniably been the focus of attention for both scholars and enthusiasts (this site included) when discussing the “Irish” of the Civil War. This is perfectly understandable- the ethnic identity of these units meant that veterans tended to highlight this “Irishness” in post-war writings, which in turn caused them to dominate the historical record. Unsurprisingly, as a result, they also dominate Civil War scholarship on the Irish. However, it is increasingly my view that these units, and what was written about them in the post-war decades by members of the Irish community, are skewing the realities of the broader Irish experience of the conflict. What was in reality an exceptional experience for the Irish of the conflict has become the central theme of how we explore, examine and remember Irish participation today.

Memorial to the New York Regiments of the Irish Brigade at Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

Memorial to the New York Regiments of the Irish Brigade at Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

The reality of the American Civil War was that the vast majority of Irish who served in the conflict did not serve in ethnic Irish units. As regular readers are aware, over recent years I have been using the Widows and Dependents Pension Files to identify the letters of Irish-American soldiers, which illustrate that the Irish served in large numbers throughout the majority of Northern units. How did the experience of this majority differ (or not) from that of the Irish in the ethnic regiments? Were they fighting for the same reasons, and with the same goals? How did they view their Irish identity, and how did they view their American identity? How did they relate to the Irish at home, and were they drawn from the same communities and groupings as those who chose to serve in ethnic units? These are questions we need to explore in further detail. In many ways, the experience of this majority of Civil War Irish remains hidden from us, though I suspect they have much to teach us not only about Irish motivations during the conflict, but also Irish communities in 1860s America.

New York State Memorial, Gettysburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

New York State Memorial, Gettysburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Of late I have been examining in some detail the New York Irish who fought at the Battle of Gettysburg. There is perhaps no clearer example of how ethnic Irish units have come to centrally dominate what we perceive to be the Irish experience of the conflict than this engagement. The Irish Brigade and it’s actions in the Wheatfield utterly dominate the perception of the Irish experience at this most famous of battlefield sites. Even during the conflict, the Irish-American press (particularly the New York Irish-American Weekly) looked to the Irish Brigade to be representative of Irish participation. This continued into the post war period, with the publication by David Power Conyngham of the Irish Brigade history only two years after war’s end, and with later writings by veterans such as St. Clair A. Mulholland. Irish Brigade veterans and the Irish-American community made sure they were remembered on the field as well, through memorials such as the Irish Brigade Monument and Father Corby statue. These are overtly connected to the Irish experience, and serve as permanent markers to Irish participation. The Irish Brigade as representative of the major Irish experience at Gettysburg (and in the wider war) continues today– for example it is often a focus of National Park Service interpretation with respect to the Irish. This is in no way a criticism of focus on the Irish Brigade. They are one of the most famed formations of the Civil War, and visiting sites associated with them and learning about their experiences is extremely popular (and something which I also greatly enjoy). The brigade’s history also serves as the most logical educational vehicle to explain the story of Irish participation in the conflict. But to what extent does the Irish Brigade actually come close to representing the entirety of the Irish experience at Gettysburg?

An excellent presentation by NPS Ranger Angie Atkinson on the Irish Brigade at Gettysburg. The experiences of the brigade dominate modern perception of the Irish at the battlefield, and is among the most popular stories of any relating to the engagement.

The Irish Brigade was a shadow of its former self at Gettysburg, taking into action some 530 men. They suffered a total of 198 casualties, heavily concentrated among members of the 28th Massachusetts, who alone lost 100. The three founding New York regiments lost 17 men killed and 50 wounded. There is no doubt this is an extremely high casualty rate given the proportion of men the Irish Brigade took into the fight. But from an ethnic Irish unit perspective, the experience of the 69th Pennsylvania during the Gettysburg fighting was significantly worse– they alone sustained 149 casualties, including 43 killed outright out of a strength of some 258.  I am currently examining all the New York unit fatalities as a result of Gettysburg in an effort to gain some insight into the impact of the battle on the New York Irish community as a whole, the largest Irish community represented on the field. I am a particularly interested in those regiments and brigades that were not ethnic Irish but nonetheless contained large numbers of Irish troops, such as those which had strong Democratic Party ties. For example, an examination of those who men who died in the 42nd New York, the Tammany Regiment, shows a potential 16 men who may have been Irish-born or Irish-American, almost the same number of men who were killed outright in the entire Irish Brigade. (1)

Barrett, Daniel Private 42 New York Infantry C
Barron, Thomas Private 42 New York Infantry D
Byrne, William Corporal 42 New York Infantry K
Cuddy, Michael Sergeant 42 New York Infantry I
Cullen, James Private 42 New York Infantry F
Curley, Thomas Private 42 New York Infantry C
Flynn, William Sergeant 42 New York Infantry H
McGrann, Felix Private 42 New York Infantry F
McLear, Neal Private 42 New York Infantry A
McMara, Patrick Private 42 New York Infantry E
Moore, Charles Sergeant 42 New York Infantry D
Murphy, Hugh Private 42 New York Infantry G
O’Shea, Daniel Private 42 New York Infantry E
Riley, Michael Private 42 New York Infantry G
Smith, John Private 42 New York Infantry D
West, Peter Private 42 New York Infantry K

Table 1. 42nd New York Infantry Gettysburg Fatalities of Potential Irish Ethnicity (After Final Report on the Battlefield of Gettysburg)

Memorial to the 42nd New York Infantry, the Tammany Regiment, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

Memorial to the 42nd New York Infantry, the Tammany Regiment, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

Another regiment with ties to the Democratic Party was the 40th New York Infantry, the Mozart Regiment. An examination of their Gettysburg related deaths reveals the names of 8 men who may have been Irish or Irish-American, comparable to all but one of the New York Irish Brigade regiments.

Fleming, George Private 40 New York Infantry B
Harding, Michael Private 40 New York Infantry C
Horrgian, Timothy Private 40 New York Infantry F
Kelly, Timothy Private 40 New York Infantry D
O’Brien, Thomas Private 40 New York Infantry C
O’Harra, Daniel Private 40 New York Infantry G
Slattery, Jeremiah D Sergeant 40 New York Infantry C
Sweeny, Francis Private 40 New York Infantry D

Table 2. 40th New York Infantry Gettysburg Fatalities of Potential Irish Ethnicity (After Final Report on the Battlefield of Gettysburg)

Above the regimental level, there is one brigade level New York unit whose losses in all likelihood had a significantly greater impact on the Irish and Irish-American community in New York in real terms than those of the Irish Brigade. The Excelsior Brigade consisted of the 70th, 71st, 72nd, 73rd and 74th New York (the 120th New York also formed part of the brigade at Gettysburg). They had been formed in New York and were initially led by Dan Sickles, who by Gettysburg commanded the Third Corps. The regiments had a strong Irish flavour. Joseph Hopkins Twichell, Chaplain of the 71st New York, wrote in a letter to his brother that “at least half, I might say two thirds, of my men are Irish Catholics alone.” On 2nd July the regiments were heavily engaged in the vicinity of the Peach Orchard, sustaining significant casualties. An assessment of the brigade deaths (excluding the 120th New York) identifies as many as 50 men who fell who may have been Irish or Irish-American. It would be reasonable to assume that in the case of the vast majority (certainly in excess of 40) they were ethnically Irish.

Detail of the New York State Monument at Gettysburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Detail of the New York State Memorial at Gettysburg National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

NAME RANK UNIT COMPANY
Crowley, Patrick Private 70 New York Infantry G
Higgins, John Private 70 New York Infantry G
McGraw, Matthew Corporal 70 New York Infantry E
McKenna, John Private 70 New York Infantry C
Massey, Joseph Private 70 New York Infantry H
Nolan, John Private 70 New York Infantry K
O’Connor, Robert Private 70 New York Infantry G
Robb, John Private 70 New York Infantry K
Ryan, Michael L. Private 70 New York Infantry C
Smith, Thomas Private 70 New York Infantry K
Tommy, John Corporal 70 New York Infantry D
Brady, James Private 71 New York Infantry A
Canty, Daniel Private 71 New York Infantry C
Holland, David Private 71 New York Infantry F
Kearns, Timothy Private 71 New York Infantry A
King, Thomas Sergeant 71 New York Infantry E
Olvaney, Patrick Private 71 New York Infantry A
Burke, Daniel L Sergeant 72 New York Infantry E
Colyer, John Private 72 New York Infantry K
Gormelly, Michael Private 72 New York Infantry E
Holland, Thomas Private 72 New York Infantry E
Coniff, John J Sergeant 73 New York Infantry K
Cowney, John Private 73 New York Infantry B
Devlin, Edward Private 73 New York Infantry A
Duane, Patrick Private 73 New York Infantry C
Flanigan, Patrick Private 73 New York Infantry B
Gallagher, Michael Private 73 New York Infantry G
Higgins, Martin E Lieutenant 73 New York Infantry E
Holmes, Edward Private 73 New York Infantry F
Keegan, Thomas F Private 73 New York Infantry B
Lacy, William Private 73 New York Infantry H
Lally, Thomas Sergeant 73 New York Infantry K
Lynch, Patrick Private 73 New York Infantry D
Malloy, Wilson M Private 73 New York Infantry C
McAdam, John Private 73 New York Infantry G
McAvoy, james Private 73 New York Infantry G
McCormick, Andrew Private 73 New York Infantry H
McGlare, George Sergeant 73 New York Infantry F
McIntyre. James D Private 73 New York Infantry G
Murphy, John Sergeant 73 New York Infantry B
O’Neil, James Private 73 New York Infantry G
Renton, John Sergeant 73 New York Infantry C
Shine, Eugene C Captain 73 New York Infantry F
Trainor, James Private 73 New York Infantry D
Trainor, Peter Private 73 New York Infantry D
Trihy, Edmund Private 73 New York Infantry C
Burke, Henry Corporal 74 New York Infantry B
Casey, John Private 74 New York Infantry H
McLaughlin, John Corporal 74 New York Infantry A
McMullen, John W Corporal 74 New York Infantry A

Table 3. Excelsior Brigade Gettysburg Fatalities of Potential Irish Ethnicity (After Final Report on the Battlefield of Gettysburg)

Excelsior Brigade Memorial, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

Excelsior Brigade Memorial, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

Based on the available evidence, it is reasonable to put forward that the Irish losses in the Excelsior Brigade at Gettysburg were almost certainly significantly greater than those in the Irish Brigade. There is little doubt in my mind that the fame of the Irish Brigade has masked an awareness (particularly in Ireland) of the sheer extent of Irish participation through Northern forces, and is one of a number of factors that has led to an under appreciation of just how much the war impacted large swathes of the Irish community both in America and Ireland. The experiences, social circumstances, motivations for service, and impact of fatalities on the Irish community relating to those who served outside of ethnic units are certainly worthy of more detailed attention by those of us engaged in the study of the Irish in the Civil War. To further this work, I hope in the coming weeks to produce a full list of the probable/possible Irish and Irish-American deaths associated with New York units at Gettysburg, in order to highlight this issue still further. I am in the process of examining a range of sources in order to establish ethnicity and origin, and would be grateful to any readers who can provide documentation to assist with the addition and subtraction of names to the list of New York Irish dead at Gettysburg.

73rd New York (2nd Fire Zouaves) Memorial, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

73rd New York (2nd Fire Zouaves) Memorial, Gettysburg (Damian Shiels)

(1) OR: 175, OR: 431; (2) Butler 2012: 4;

References

New York Monuments Commission 1902. Final Report on the Battlefield of Gettysburg, Volume 1.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 27, Part 1.

Butler, Francis 2012. To Bleed for a Higher Cause: The Excelsior Brigade and the Civil War.


Filed under: Battle of Gettysburg, Discussion and Debate, New York Tagged: 40th New York Mozart, 42nd New York Tammany, Dan Sickles, Excelsior Brigade, Irish American Civil War, Irish at Gettysburg, Irish Brigade, New York Irish

“Tell Poor Mama”: Draft Riots & Texas Prisons– Letters From The Gulf Blockade

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In 1895, thirty years after the end of the American Civil War, Ann Nugent went in search of a pension. The 75-year-old Irish emigrant had lost her son James to the conflict in 1864. A Second Class Boy aboard the USS Granite City, he had been just 16-years-old when he had joined up, and only a year older when he died in a Confederate prison. In 1895, members of New York’s Irish community provided the elderly woman with affidavits to support her claim, but even armed with these she had to hand over some of her most treasured possessions– her son’s letters from his final months. They were enclosed in an envelope for the Pension Bureau, marked “Sailors letters to his mother” and “Please Return.” As they became part of the case evidence upon their submission, they never were, and they remain today in Ann Nugent’s pension file at the National Archives. (1)

Inscription on package of letters in James Nugent pension file (NARA/Fold3)

Inscription on package of letters in James Nugent pension file (NARA/Fold3)

The Nugents had followed a well-worn Irish emigrant path, settling first near Montreal in Canada. Between their time in Ireland and Canada, Jame’s parents Thomas and Ann had eight children– Ann would live to see at least six pre-decease her. James came along around 1847 and spent his early years in Canada, where his father died c. 1857. As James took on added responsibilities he went into the printing business and ultimately settled in the United States. It is not clear if he first went alone to New York, or if all the family went together, but the 1860s saw the majority of the Nugents living there. On 6th June 1863, having lost his employment, James presented himself at the New York Naval Rendezvous, where the boy was described as 5 feet 2 inches tall with grey eyes, light hair and a light complexion. He was first placed on the receiving ship USS North Carolina, before heading for the Gulf and the former blockade-runner turned blockade-enforcer the USS Granite City. As part of that steamer’s crew he was involved in actions around Texas such as the Battle of Sabine Pass, where a small force of Irish Confederates famously turned back a much larger Union force. He would also participate in the capture of a number of Rebel vessels, before on 6th May 1864 the Granite City was captured during the Battle of Calcasieu Pass, Louisiana, where James became a Prisoner of War. (2)

One of James’s earliest letters is also among the most interesting, as it demonstrates how the teenager was willing to exploit current events to explain his actions. Writing to his Uncle, James explained that he left Albany on account of losing his job, but his new workplace in New York was destroyed during the draft riots and he was left with little option but join the Navy or get “killed with the mob.” The only problem with this story is that James enlisted in the Union Navy on 6th June, fully a month before the riots broke out. James wrote this letter eight days after his vessel had been among those forced back at Sabine Pass, Texas, by Galwegian Dick Dowling and his men.

September 16th 1863

Dear Uncle I left Albany on account of getting discharged from the printing office, for when he heard that i was looking for work in the Statesman he told me he had another man in my place and then i come to New York and was working when the riot commenced and the printing office was broke inn at night, and i had no money and could not get home and i had to join the Navy or i would get killed with the mob if i had to staid any longer thare. I am now at Sabine Pass in Texas where we attacked a fort and were driven back with the loss of two gunboats and we expect to attack it again soon. dear Uncle i would have wrote long ago only we had to wait until the mail boat would come down to us.

Dear Uncle tell poor mama that if ever i get home again that i will not leave so quick as i did before no more at present.

I remain your affectionate nephew

James Nugent

direct your letters to the United States Steamer Granite City Western Gulf Squadron (3)

The Battle of Sabine Pass in which the USS Granite City participated (Contemporary Sketch)

The Battle of Sabine Pass in which the USS Granite City participated (Contemporary Sketch)

James wrote to his mother and brother the following January from off the coast of Texas, in a letter that indicates his thoughts were turning to home. It also demonstrates one of the major attractions in joining the Navy– the opportunity to collect substantial prize money based on the Confederate vessels the sailors captured.

…Dear Mother write soon and let me know how you are all getting along at home and let me know how Uncle Johney and Aunt Rose and ….tell Mary Ann and Jimmy not to get married until I come home…Dear Mother we have taken a prize wort[h] one hundred thousand dollars and my share will be about 500 dollars when it is confirmed.

Dear Brother

I would write oftener only it is by chance at last i got a Steamer going North. When you write again tell Frank not to forget to writ some until I see his writing and tell him when I am coming home I will bring him something good and tell him I was sorry for taking his cannon and powder flask from him. Bob we intend to be home in five or six months because our boilers is not any good

I remaine ever your

affectionate brother

James Nugent (4)

By the following April James was in New Orleans, and took the opportunity to write to his sister. In a sentiment prevalent among many letters from sailors on the blockade, James was clearly glad to be away from the monotony of being out at sea, albeit temporarily. The importance mementos held for servicemen and those at home alike is apparent here, as the family planned to send James photographs while he intendwd to send home a lock of his hair.

Dear Sister

I received your affectionate letter of the 23rd of March, I write you these few lines hoping to find you all in good health, as this leaves me in at present. Dear Sister you said that mama wrote a letter the same time as you but i did not receive either letter or paper…you said something about sending me some books. Dear Sister we have left the Red River and are stationed at New Orleans in the Mississippi River i would sooner stay here than be out at sea because we can get the mails sooner than laying on the Blockade. Dear Sister tell mama when she is getting the likenesses taken to get them taken without a frame and tell mama the next time i am getting my hair cut i will keep her a piece of my hair i will send it in the next letter. (5)

The following month James’s vessel was captured along with USS Wave when they were engaged by Confederate shore batteries at Calcasieu Pass, Louisiana. Under a flag of truce, the sailors were allowed to send letters home to their families to let them know their fate.

Sabine Pass May 64

…we had to surrender the ship or sink. Dear Mother i am a prisoner now but i feel just as safe here as i would on the ship we expect soon to be exchanged. Dear Mother you need not write any more letters to me until i am exchanged because they will not come here but i will write as often as i can…

No more at present

I Remaine your

effectionate son

J. Nugent (6)

Camp Groce, Texas, where James Nugent was kept as a POW (Waller County Historical Society)

Camp Groce, Texas, where James Nugent was kept as a POW (Waller County Historical Society)

James was among a large number of men of the Granite City who were sent to Camp Groce, Texas. Their sufferings were revealed the following year, when Jame’s shipmate Paymaster John Read returned home from captivity and described the conditions the sailors endured. The rage Read felt at the treatment he and his comrades endured in Texas is palpable in his compelling account, which is reproduced in full here:

Camp Groce, 60 miles Northwest of Houston, Texas, is an enclosure surrounded by a stockade, about 15 feet in height, on the top of which at intervals of fifty feet, are sentry-boxes for the guards, who are instructed to shoot any coming within 10 feet of the fence! Inside the pen were old barracks, not sufficient, however, for the accommodation of all the prisoners, and but a poor protection from the weather.

At this camp we remained through most of the summer, suffering terribly from the intense heat, the high stockade preventing all air from entering, while the wells having ‘caved in’ before our arrival, we were obliged to get water from a muddy creek outside the camp; and since, being provided with but few buckets, and but a few being allowed outside at a time, the demand being constant, this privilege was often denied us, as the officers said, it occasioned two guards, who accompanied us, ‘too much work.’ At early morn there would be a rush to get what water had oozed into the old wells through the night, and many sick men suffered for water to cool their parched lips. We afterwards dug anew the wells ourselves, the rebels telling us ‘if we wanted water we could repair the well.’

The camp was under the command of a Col. Gillespie formerly a clergyman at New Orleans, who, indeed, was a fiend incarnate. Every indignity and discomfort that a cowardly mind could devise was perpetrated upon the prisoners. He would not allow, for a long time, even the sickest to be carried to the hospital near by, giving as a reason for refusal on one occasion, when asked to have an officer very low with sickness removed from camp that he might have something better than a plank to lie upon, that he ‘feared he might run away.’ The camp becoming filthy the Union officers organized squads among the prisoners for cleaning the ground, but the authorities immediately endeavored to make the men mutiny, ordering them not to obey their own officers and inviting and allowing them to desert. Being enraged on one occasion at the escape of a few. Gillespie ordered that all the prisoners should be driven from their barracks and huts at night and herded in the open air.

This order was carried out, sick and well, officers and men, being forced into a small compass, not even allowed to go to the sinks, and the night being rainy and cold much new sickness was occasioned. Those who escaped, when recaptured, were punished; the officers being confined with ball and chains in jails and dungeons, and the men often ‘bucked,’ that is, their hands, when ironed, were forced over the knees, and a stick running under the knees kept the hands in position, and the man doubled up. A pack of hounds were kept near the camp, and the most active in their use was another minister (?) ‘Parson Scott,’ who was considered the best ‘nigger hunter’ in the country!

The camp, through the hot season, was in the most filthy condition in heavy rains and sinks often overflowing caused the most intolerable stench.

The condition of the prisoners at this time was terrible; the hot sun beating down upon men sick with fevers; the high stockade keeping all air from entering; little water, and that thick and muddy– often with an offensive odor; men wasted to the appearance of death itself, alive with vermin, with not clothes sufficient to cover them– here one with a jacket alone, there one with pants and no coats, others hugging a blanket around them to cover their nakedness, begging something to relieve the pains of sickness, from a rebel doctor, who was usually too intoxicated to stand alone! Their own solders filling the hospital, the sickest prisoners were finally removed to the attic of an old church. This room, packed closely with men low with diarrhoea and the most loathsome diseases, lying in their own filth, left for the most part to care for themselves, soon became a place of corruption. One poor fellow, while climbing to the attic by the only means, a rotten ladder, fell in his weakness, and was killed, having broken his neck.

Those dying in the hospital were robbed of clothes and valuables, and carried out, many at a time, in mule carts, and buried by the negroes. In September the prisoners were moved west of the Brazos River, to the low, muddy bottom of a creek. Here was no shelter, and the mortality was great. The cavalry guard encamping above the prisoners, we had to drink the water as it came from them to us. Often were to be seen horses and cattle bathing in the water, which, when it reached us, was slimy and offensive to the smell. Again, on the 1st of October, we were crowded into mule carts, for few could walk, and moved– several dying on the way– to Chapel Hill. This camp was also on low ground, swampy and unhealthy, and having been formerly used for camp meetings, there were many large sheds near by, ample for all; but no, their horses enjoyed the shelter, while prisoners were herded in so small a compass on the muddy ground that it was almost impossible to walk through the camp, so near together were the sick lying.

The suffering and mortality at this camp even surpassed the others. It may almost be said that the ground was covered with the sick and dying, and these, too, with no shelter– lying on the wet ground with chills and diseases of every description– exposed to the heavy rains and chilling ‘northers’– with little medicines and not clothing enough to cover them– several at this camp were chilled to death! The dead were buried like dogs! No endeavor was made to clean the camp, which soon became filthy in the extreme– alive with vermin of every description– the sick not able to walk to the sinks at a distance, and often not allowed to at night, on account of the contraction of the guard lines. The reminiscences of this place cannot be forgotten. The consumptive cough, the shrieks of the insane, the groans of the sick and dying– all exposed to the pitiless rain, or cold ‘norther’– many too weak to rise from the ground, to escape the flood, which at every storm poured down the hill side, while not a hundred yards off were sheds sufficient for twice our number. On One occasion a muster was ordered, and the guards being sent into the camp to make all “turn out,” were to be seen ‘pricking’ with their bayonets men as they lay sick, too weak to walk, and with oaths, ordering them to ‘fall into line.’

The last of October we were moved back to Camp Groce and the weather being rainy and the mud too deep for wagons, all were forced to march until the sick fell exhausted! On this march the wayside was lined with those unable to walk farther; at every few steps was to be seen some poor fellow sitting in the mud, shaking with chill, unable to proceed, with sunken cheeks and eyes, and looks of complete despondency and despair, while in contrast the cavalry guard with taunting jest and profane ribaldry were urging all to go on. The ration consisted of 1-2 pound of tough and tasteless beef, 1-2 oz. dirty sugar, 1-2 oz. coarse salt, 16 oz. corn-meal coarsely ground– pieces of husk being often found– food which aggravated diarrhoea and complaints with which all were afflicted; once in ten days bacon was issued, but always do rotten as to be useless. The practice of selling supplies to the prisoners, whenever discovered, was stopped by Gillespie. Very few cooking utensils being furnished, the prisoners were obliged to borrow, one mess from another, so that it was often far into the night before many were able to procure means for cooking any food.

Neglect and inattention characterized the rebel treatment of these Union prisoners. Subjected to indignities and insult– supplied with food and water which were poisonous in their effects– exposed to the inclemencies of a changing climate when all could have been sheltered– herded and crowded together merely to save the number of their guards– and camps allowed to remain in a filthy condition while efforts of the prisoners themselves to cleanse were thwarted. The greatest number confined at these camps was six hundred. Through September and October the prisoners died at the rate of six and seven per day. Of 111 of the Navy (the crews of the “Granite City” and “Wave”) but 32 returned. (7)

The members of the USS Granite City who died in captivity in Texas as reported in January 1865. James's name is among them

The members of the USS Granite City who died in captivity in Texas as reported in January 1865. James’s name is among them (Boston Evening Transcript)

The survivors of the Granite City were released on 19th December 1864. Apart from writing his compelling account of his experiences, John Read also carried with him a list of his comrades who had perished, which was published in the Northern newspapers. Among them was James Nugent, who had succumbed on 2nd November. Ann Nugent almost certainly had never heard from her son again after James’s correspondence informing her of his capture. In the years that followed, Ann cherished her young son’s letters. She did not seek a pension until the 1890s, at which point she had to hand over the communication in order to prove that James had financially assisted her. Ann’s pension was approved, and she collected it until her death on 21st October 1907. James’s letters are another interesting example of naval correspondence, and a further reminder that it was not just the Irish-born who were part of the Irish-American story during the Civil War. (8)

Inscription on package of letters in James NUgent file, asking they be returned (NARA/Fold3)

Inscription on package of letters in James NUgent file, asking they be returned (NARA/Fold3)

(1) Navy Widow’s Certificate; (2) Ibid., 1900 Census; (3) U.S. Naval Enlistment, Navy Widow’s Certificate; (4) Ibid.; (5) Ibid.; (6) Ibid.; (7) Boston Evening Transcript 4th February 1865; (8) Blakeman 1912: 265, Boston Evening Transcript 24th January 1865, Navy Widow’s Certificate;

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References & Further Reading

Navy Widow’s Certificate 10800 for Ann Nugent, Mother of James Nugent, USS Granite City.

United States Naval Enlistment Rendezvous.

1900 Federal Census, New York, Kings County, Brooklyn Ward 11, District 0161.

Blakeman, Noel A. (ed). 1912. Personal Recollections of the War of the Rebellion: Addresses Delivered Before the Commandery of the State of New York.

Boston Evening Transcript 24th January 1865.

Boston Evening Transcript 4th February 1865.


Filed under: Canada, New York Tagged: Battle of Calcasieu Pass, Battle of Sabine Pass, Camp Groce, Candians Civil War, Gulf Blockading Squadron, Irish American Civil War, Irish-Canadians, USS Granite City

Picturing the McNamaras: Images of the Irishman whose final letter home was cut from his body at Cold Harbor

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On 2nd June 1864 Hubert McNamara of the 155th New York Infantry, Corcoran’s Irish Legion, prepared a letter for his wife. He was aware that the following morning he would be going into action; he was among the men of the Army of the Potomac then preparing to assault the Confederate lines at Cold Harbor. Stuffing the letter in his pocket, he went into the attack with the words still unsent. Five days later, Captain Dexter Ludden of the 8th New York Heavy Artillery and his men moved about the battlefield, burying the bodies of those who fallen during the charge. As they turned over the lifeless forms seeking means of identification, they came upon the hastily penned lines in one of the corpse’s pockets– Hubert had not lived to post them. Cutting the letter from Hubert’s body, Ludden made sure the words were sent back to his now widowed wife, Mary. The story of the McNamaras is one I have discussed before, and is also featured in my new book The Forgotten Irish: Irish Emigrant Experiences in AmericaThe reason I am returning to them again is due to one of their descendants, Ruth Davis-Hastler. Ruth recently passed on images of both Hubert and Mary that she has in her possession, and which she has kindly permitted me to share with readers. For me, seeing the faces of those of whom we write adds greatly to how we experience their stories. With that in mind, I am reproducing the original McNamara story below, which can now be read with an improved awareness of the couple to whom it pertains. (1)

Hubert & Mary McNamara (Ruth Davis-Hastler)

Hubert & Mary McNamara (Ruth Davis-Hastler)

This is what Dexter Ludden wrote on the back of one of the pieces of paper recovered from the body:

Battlefield 7 miles from Richmond Va

June 8 1864

Madam,

This was cut from the pocket of a man I had buried last eve– he was killed– June 3d 1864– & buried on the spot where he fell.

The place was marked by a cut on a tree where his head lies by Sergt Ewell of my company.

Yours Truly

S. Dexter Ludden

Capt 8 NY Arty

Miss Mary McNamara

Buffalo NY (2)

The body that Dexter Ludden and his men had buried was that of Irishman Hubert McNamara, a private in the 155th New York Infantry, Corcoran’s Irish Legion. Hubert had enlisted in Buffalo on 28th August 1862, when he was 34 years old. Before becoming a soldier, Hubert had supported his wife Mary and three children by working as a cartman. He was described as 5 feet 6 inches in height, with hazel eyes, brown hair and a light complexion. Hubert had married Mary Donovan on 2nd January 1859, but that had not been his first marriage. Hubert’s first wife Margaret (e McGrath) had passed away in Hudson, New York on 26th January 1855, leaving Hubert to support their three year old daughter Maria alone until his remarriage. By 1864, Mary had borne Hubert two more children at their home on Exchange Street; Thomas, who arrived on 30th November 1859 and Maria, born on 6th May 1852– his youngest daughter was only a month past her second birthday when her father met his death. (3)

Location where 8th New York Heavy Artillery attacked at Cold Harbor. The 155th New York assaulted the Confederate position advancing to the left of this regiment. Some of the 8th would later bury Hubert McNamara (Damian Shiels)

Location where 8th New York Heavy Artillery attacked at Cold Harbor. The 155th New York assaulted the Confederate position advancing to the left of this regiment. Some of the 8th would later bury Hubert McNamara (Damian Shiels)

By 2nd June 1864, the day Hubert wrote his last letter, Corcoran’s Irish Legion had been with the Army of the Potomac for less than a month. By the standards of many other brigades, the first 18 months of the Legion’s service had been relatively quiet. That had all changed in May 1864, when they joined up with the Army of the Potomac at Spotsylvania. In the days following, the Irishmen had to become accustomed to almost constant combat– and ever mounting casualties. It was in this context that Hubert penned the few words to his wife on 2nd June. He was aware when he wrote them that he was going to be involved in an assault on the Rebel works the following day. Given the strength of the enemy’s position, many of his unit would have been apprehensive about what lay ahead. The 155th was brought into battle at Cold Harbor by Captain Michael Doran. As he dressed his men’s lines for the advance, they were temporarily shielded from fire behind a slight ridge. When they moved forward beyond this cover they could see the main Confederate line some 150 yards away, but they would never reach it. A storm of fire erupted from the Rebel position. One member of the regiment recalled how the ‘balls commenced literally to mow us down,’ while another said of the attack that ‘it was murder, not war.’ The Irishmen never stood a chance; by the time they got to within fifty yards of the enemy position the charge was halted, and was soon forced back. The slaughter cost the 155th some 130 casualties, almost half their number. Unfortunately Hubert was one of those to fall, with the newly written letter to his family unsent in his pocket. (4)

The sheets of paper recovered from Hubert’s body were included by his widow in her pension application, in order to prove both Hubert’s death and her relationship with him. They are transcribed below for the first time and labeled as Sheet 1 Obverse?, Sheet 1 Reverse? and Sheet 2 Obverse. It is written in faded pencil which, together with their exposure on the battlefield with Hubert’s body, makes transcription difficult. They are reproduced below as Sheet 1 and Sheet 2, with the original transcription accompanied by an edited version for modern readers. (5)

Hubert McNamara (Ruth Davis-Hastler)

Hubert McNamara (Ruth Davis-Hastler)

Original

[Sheet 1 Obverse?]

…almigty god that we will soon get tru with them I all right soe far thank be tow the almighty god for his merci [illegible] possible [?] to I am [ad] dressing you with a few lines hope tow find you and the children in good helth as the departure thes few lines leves mee me in at present thank be to the almighty god for his to me we are fighting with rebble for last 10 days and we have drove them for as much 30 miles but there is grete many of our men kild and wonded but the purty well sourrounded in the [?]

[Sheet 1 Reverse?]

Jun the 2 1864

Camp of the armi of the portommack 7 miles from Richmond mi Dear wife and children I take the favorable opportunitie [?] [illegible] tell what moment I wold get kild or wonded but I trus in god for his mercis tow me there is afful fight ing going on her we ar fight ing knight and fight ing day my Dear wife an children there is no thing more that I can let you know now it I have now time

[Sheet 2 Obverse]

it is verry hard tow get paper or ink any thing els her John Dempsey is well and alsoe michael lawler is I wish that you wold tell his wife there is no thing more my Dear wife and children that I think soe good bie for afile

now more at present from youre afectionate husband Hubert Mc Namara 2 Corps 2 Divison 4 brigade Co I 155

armi of the portom mac

good bie write soon (6)

The last words written by Hubert McNamara, hours before his death at the Battle of Cold Harbor (National Archives/Fold3)

The last words written by Hubert McNamara, hours before his death at the Battle of Cold Harbor (National Archives/Fold3)

Edited

[Sheet 1 Obverse?]

…almighty God that we will soon get through with them. I [am] alright so far thanks be to the almighty God for his mercy [illegible] possible to, I am addressing you with a few lines. I hope to find you and the children in good health as the departure [of] these few lines leaves me in at present thanks be to the almighty God for his [mercy] to me. We are fighting with [the] Rebels for [the] last 10 days and we have drove them for as much [as] 30 miles, but there is [a] great many of our men killed and wounded but they [are] pretty well surrounded in the [?]

[Sheet 1 Reverse?]

June the 2nd 1864

Camp of the Army of the Potomac 7 miles from Richmond. Dear wife and children, I take the favourable opportunity [illegible] tell what moment I would get killed or wounded, but I trust in God for his mercy to me. There is awful fighting going on here, we are fighting night and fighting day. Dear wife and children there is nothing more that I can let you know now I have no time.

[Sheet 2 Obverse]

It is very hard to get paper or ink [or] anything else here. John Dempsey is well and also Michael Lawler is, I wish that you would tell his wife. There is nothing more my dear wife and children then I think, so goodbye for a while. No more at present from your affectionate husband Hubert McNamara, 2nd Corps, 2nd Division, 4th Brigade, Company I, 155th New York, Army of the Potomac. Goodbye write soon. (7)

Mary McNamara (Ruth Davis-Hastler)

Mary McNamara (Ruth Davis-Hastler)

The precise order in which Hubert’s letter was intended to be read is not clear from the separate pages. I have interpreted their order as presented above based on content. I believe that the first page (Sheet 1 Obverse?) was part of a letter Hubert may have been writing previous to his arrival at Cold Harbor. In it he refers to fighting the Rebels for the ‘last 10 days’ which would place it around the 28th May. I suspect he may have then found himself in front of the works at Cold Harbor and, realising that he was about to go into action, abandoned his previous letter to jot down a few words in the event of his death. If this is the case then it makes the letter all the more poignant. The section titled ‘Sheet 2 Obverse’ may have also been written at Cold Harbor, though that is not clear. Captain Ludden wrote his note to Hubert’s wife on the back of this page. Of those comrades mentioned in Hubert’s correspondence, Cold Harbor was also Michael Lawler’s last battle. He was mortally wounded, leaving behind a wife and four children. John Dempsey seems to have also been wounded at Cold Harbor, but ultimately recovered. Hubert’s wife Mary lived a long life after her husband’s death, remaining a widow for more than half a century. The elderly Irishwoman passed away at the Holy Family Home in Williamsville, New York on 2nd September 1916. (8)

Surviving Confederate earthworks at Cold Harbor (Damian Shiels)

Surviving Confederate earthworks at Cold Harbor (Damian Shiels)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) McNamara Widow’s Pension File; (2) Ibid. (3) Ibid., 1860 U.S. Census, New York Adjutant General: 1323; (4) Rhea 2007: 335; (5) McNamara Widow’s Pension File; (6) Ibid.; (7) Ibid.; (8) Ibid.;

References & Further Reading

Hubert McNamara Widow’s Pension File WC76801.

Michael Lawler Widow’s Pension File WC46766.

1860 U.S. Federal Census.

New York Adjutant General Roster of the 155th New York Infantry.

Rhea 2007. Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee May 26– June 3, 1864.

Richmond National Military Park.

Civil War Trust Battle of Cold Harbor Page.


Filed under: 155th New York, Battle of Cold Harbor, New York Tagged: 155th New York Infantry, Buffalo Irish, Civil War Photography, Corcoran's Irish Legion, Irish American Civil War, Irish emigration, Irish in New York, Widow's Pension Files

“She Hates Men”: An Interview With A Troubled Irish Famine Emigrant

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Perhaps the greatest value of the Widow’s and Dependent Pension Files is in what they can tell us about the lives of female Irish emigrants in the 19th century. There is surely no other source that provides the same level of detail on Irishwomen in this period, particularly with respect to those who had fallen on hard times. That is particularly the case with respect to those women whose cases were subject to Special Examination by the Pension Bureau. These investigations, carried out by Special Examiners, took place whenever the Bureau wanted to establish certain facts with respect to a pension– for example whether a mother had abandoned children she was claiming for, whether she had remarried or was cohabiting with a man, or whether she was who she said she was. When a Special Examiner was called in, they conducted interviews– usually lots of interviews. These were meticulously recorded, providing us with a rare first-person insight into the lives of these Irish women. In order to give readers an insight into some of this material I am sharing below the story of, and the interview with, Eliza Desmond. A woman who had left Cork during the Great Famine, the answers given by Eliza and her friends to the Special Examiner’s questions suggest she endured an extremely hard life in the United States.

On a recent trip to America I took the opportunity to explore Annapolis National Cemetery, where I came across the grave of Daniel Desmond. An exploration of Daniel’s service reveals that he enlisted on 14th March 1864, at the age of 42. A tailor by profession, he became a private in Company E of the 51st New York Infantry. On 30 September 1864 he and the majority of his regiment were taken prisoner at Poplar Grove Church, Virginia. He spent the next few months in Rebel prisons, before being exchanged in North Carolina on 26th February 1865. However, his time in confinement had taken its toll. He made it as far as Camp Parole in Maryland before his death on 26th March 1865, expiring of “phthisis”, or tuberculosis. That death led to the creation of a pension file on behalf of his wife and children, which becomes the focus of our exploration. (1)

The grave of Daniel Desmond, Annapolis National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

The grave of Daniel Desmond, Annapolis National Cemetery (Damian Shiels)

Daniel Desmond and Eliza Walton had been married at Grenagh, Co. Cork on 16th August 1848. They emigrated to the United States shortly afterwards; they are almost certainly the family group recorded aboard the Jamestown out of Liverpool, which arrived in New York on 17th September 1849 and who were processed through Castle Garden. They were travelling with a young infant, Daniel Junior. The Census of 23rd August 1850 finds them living in the Fourth Ward, where Daniel was recorded as a 27-year-old tailor, Eliza was listed as 19-years-old, and their son was one. This information suggests that Eliza was no more than 17-years-old when the couple had married in Grenagh. They were still in the Fourth Ward in 1855; Daniel Junior was by now 6-years-old, and he had been joined by sisters Catherine, who was nearly two, and Ann, who was 10 months. The Desmonds lived with fellow Famine-era emigrants the Greadys, who also worked in the tailoring profession. The New York City directories show that at this time Daniel was plying his trade from 77 1/2 Roosevelt Street in the city. What emerges of the Desmonds by the mid-1850s is a picture of a growing family, with strong links to both the Irish community in the Fourth Ward and more specifically to the Irish-tailoring industry in the city. A decade later, things had changed radically. (2)

Eliza was granted a pension based on her husband’s military service in 1868. She was also entitled to an additional $2 per month for every child under the age of 16, and in her application she listed her surviving children. They were Mary Ann (b. 1856), Jeremiah (b. 1862) and Margaret (b. 1863). It would seem none of her other children were still alive– Eliza would later state that of ten children she had with Daniel, only three remained. It is hard to imagine what sort of toll such loss must have taken on Eliza, but she developed a problem with alcohol dependence, which led to her being committed to Blackwell’s Island on at least two separate occasions. Eliza’s alcoholism prevented her from caring for her remaining children, causing her brother William Walton to take them into his care at his home in Roanoake, Indiana. William successfully applied to have her pension diverted, claiming Eliza had abandoned the children due to intemperance, with Eliza being described as a “confirmed inebriate.” Eliza’s daughter Mary Ann would later write in support of her uncle’s claim on the pension:

Roanoake, Huntington Co., Indiana, May 1875

…I am living here under the care of my uncle & guardian Wm W Walton. I came from New York with him about eleven years ago about the time my father went to war. I remember seeing my mother intoxicated several times and it was the cause of their quarrelling on different occasions. What my uncle William asserts in reference to my mother is true and my aunt Margaret who was a half-sister to my mother but was living in this county when she went to New York in the spring of 1872 for her health and returned told me that she had been to see my mother on Blackwells Island and that she had been sent there several times… (3)

Immigrants in Castle Garden, New York in 1866 (Library of Congress)

Immigrants in Castle Garden, New York in 1866. The Desmonds were processed through this facility on their arrival in New York (Library of Congress)

When Eliza’s last child had reached the age of 16, in 1879, she applied for reinstatement of her pension. A rumour had spread that she had died, leading the Pension Bureau to appoint a Special Examiner to investigate the claim. In doing so, he interviewed Eliza and a number of her friends and acquaintances on 25th July 1882. His aim was to confirm she was the same Eliza Desmond who had been married to Daniel, and also to satisfy himself that she had not remarried or been cohabiting with a man in the interim. These interviews offer us a rare opportunity to hear directly from Irish emigrants of the Famine-era.

Interview with Eliza Desmond, New York, 25th July 1882

Special Examiner: What is your name, age, residence and occupation?

Eliza: Eilza Desmond, age about 54, residence 218 Madison St. New York and by occupation a tailoress.

Special Examiner: When, where and to whom were you married?

Eliza: I was married to Daniel Desmond at Grenock [Grenagh] County Cork, Ireland in the month of August 1848, but I cannot remember the exact date of my marriage.

Special Examiner: When did you immigrate to America?

Eliza: I came here soon after our marriage.

Special Examiner: How many children did you have by him?

Eliza: Ten altogether but only three are now living.

Special Examiner: Please give the names and ages of those of your children are now living?

Eliza: Well Mary Ann was born on the 8th September 1856, Jeremiah was born on the 7th day of January 1862 and Margaret was born on the 5th day of October 1863.

Special Examiner: Where were they born and where were they baptised?

Eliza: All three of them were born in this city and they were baptized in St. James Roman Catholic church in Roosevelt Street.

Special Examiner: Who were their sponsors?

Eliza: Let me see, John Fitzpatrick, Patrick Fitzpatrick, Patrick Hartigan, and Margaret Hayes.

Special Examiner: Any others?

Eliza: Yes, but I cannot recall them now.

Special Examiner: Who was Catharine Desmond?

Eliza: Ah yes, Kate Desmond was my husband’s sister, but she is married to a man named Godfrey and lives somewhere near Chatham Street and Washington in this city.

Special Examiner: Were you ever a pensioner?

Eliza: Yes some years ago I was, but they took the pension away from me and gave it to my children through my brother who was appointed their guardian.

Special Examiner: Who is your brother?

Eliza: His name is William W. Walton and he lives out in Indiana. He was born at Oldham, seven miles from Manchester, England, and now he lives at Roanoake, Huntington County, Indiana. He has now the comfort of my children.

Special Examiner: Have you remarried since the death of your husband, Daniel Desmond?

Eliza: No sir, I have not.

Special Examiner: When did he die?

Eliza: He was killed in March 1865 or he died at An[n]apolis, Md, in that month.

Special Examiner: Where have you lived since his death?

Eliza: At different places in the fourth ward. I am well known there as a woman of good character. I can take you to some of the men in my neighborhood who know that I have not married again.

Special Examiner: But have you lived or cohabited as the wife of any man since his death?

Eliza: No sir, I have not.

Special Examiner: Have you assumed or answered to any other name than Desmond since his death?

Eliza: Well I have. When I was committed to Blackwells Island some years ago I took the name of Walton; that was my maiden name. My brother remonstrated with me for it and said that he would put me up for six months longer for doing so.

Special Examiner: I notice a deep scar over your right brow how and when did that occur?

Eliza: It was in the year 1874. I slipped through an iron grating in the sidewalk on the sidewalk and did it.

Special Examiner: Did your brother see you afterwards?

Eliza: Ah yes. He has seen the scar and he knows all about it.

Special Examiner: Have you made an application for the restoration of your pension?

Eliza: Yes I have. I went to Mr. Valentines office and he made out the papers for me.

Special Examiner: Who were your witnesses?

Eliza: Mr Reilly and Mrs Steward but Mr Reilly is dead. This woman here is his widow.

Special Examiner: Have you any further proof to show that you are the real widow of the soldier and that you have not remarried since his death?

Eliza: No sir, I have not, although I can bring you many more who can testify if it should be required. (4)

A map exploring the New York network of Eliza Desmond, based on the 1882 Special Investigation. Click on the icons to reveal the connections.

In addition to interviewing Eliza, the Special Examiner also spoke to a number of other individuals in order to corroborate her story. Aside from revealing more about Eliza’s life, it also firmly places the emigrant within not only New York’s Irish community, but within the city’s Irish tailoring industry. Extracts of some of those interviews are reproduced below.

Interview with Bridget Fitzpatrick, New York, 25th July 1882

[Bridget was 37-years-old and lived at 23 Centre Street]

Special Examiner: What means have you of knowing that she [Eliza] has remained the widow of Daniel Desmond, and have not remarried?

Bridget Fitzpatrick: Why we have often visited each other and she has never during this period referred to or attended to any man as her husband. She has never admitted that she has married again, I have never seen her in the society of any man and never learned or understood from her or from anyone else that she had ever married again or even expressed any intention of doing so. That is why I know she is still a widow and a single woman.

Special Examiner: Where has she lived since the death of the soldier?

Bridget Fitzpatrick: In New York. When her children were taken out West by her brother she broke up housekeeping and has since then been boarding.

The notice of examination (NARA/Fold3)

The notice of examination provided to Eliza Desmond (NARA/Fold3)

Interview with Mary Steward, New York, 25th July 1882

Special Examiner: What is your name, age, residence and occupation?

Mary Steward: Mary Steward. About 48 or 50 years old, came to this country 21 years ago, reside 218 Madison Street, New York, I keep a few boarders and have done so since my husband died.

Special Examiner: Has she [Eliza] ever been committed by any magistrate to Blackwells Island?

Mary Steward: Yes, once that I know of for taking a little too much whiskey and that was five or six years ago. I went up to see her. She also told me that she was up there once when her brother William came on from Indiana and called upon her. These are the only two occasions that I knew or heard of her being there.

Special Examiner: Under what name was she admitted?

Mary Steward: Her maiden name of Eliza Walton and she told her brother she had as good a right to the name as he had.

Special Examiner: What are your means of knowledge of her continued widowhood?

Mary Steward: I know it because she has lived with me nearly the whole time and I have been on very intimate terms with her and she has never even had any man- because she hates men- to live with at all.

Special Examiner: Has she lost any relatives by death since you have known her?

Mary Steward: I think her sister Margaret died some years ago and her brother William took her to Ireland.

Special Examiner: Did her sister die in this country or after reaching Ireland?

Mary Steward: Well I couldn’t answer that. I never knew her. The claimant told me of her sudden death and left five children that is all I know about her.

Special Examiner: What has been the claimant’s reputation?

Mary Steward: She is a tailoress and a very fine sewer indeed.

Special Examiner: Are you personally acquainted with her brother?

Mary Steward: Yes. A number of years ago she was living with me and her brother William came on here from Indiana on a visit to her. I then had a long talk with him and her together.

Special Examiner: With whom is she now living?

Mary Steward: She is now boarding with me.

Special Examiner: How long has she lived with you?

Mary Steward: For the last three years steady and for the last 14 years off and on.

The City Hall Post Office, where the Special Examiner interviewed Eliza Desmond and her witnesses (New York Times via Wikipedia)

The City Hall Post Office, where the Special Examiner interviewed Eliza Desmond and her witnesses (New York Times via Wikipedia)

Interview with John Fitzpatrick, New York, 25th July 1882

[John was a 46-year-old tailor at 35 Centre Street]

Special Examiner: How long have you known her [Eliza]?

John Fitzpatrick: Since the year 1854.

Special Examiner: Also acquainted with her family?

John Fitzpatrick: Yes. I knew her husband and children, and stood up as god-father for her child Mary Ann when she was baptised at St. James Church in this city a number of years ago.

Special Examiner: Have you lived near her since the death of her husband?

John Fitzpatrick: Well I was in the Navy and since my discharge in 1863 or 1864 I have lived in New York and a near neighbour to her and seen her nearly every month or so during that time.

Advertisement for Nicoll the Tailor, New York Irish American Weekly, 1880 (New York Irish American Weekly)

Advertisement for Nicoll the Tailor, New York Irish American Weekly, 1880 (New York Irish American Weekly)

Interview with John Burch, New York, 25th July 1882

[John was a 50-year-old tailor at 228 Elizabeth Street]

Special Examiner: How long have you known her [Eliza]?

John Burch: Since 1849

Special Examiner: Were you also acquainted with her husband and her family?

John Burch: Yes, I boarded with her and her husband in New York, years before the war and I was married out of her house. Her husband stood up with me and also stood up for me of my children.

Special Examiner: What was her husband’s name?

John Burch: Daniel Desmond

Special Examiner: What regiment did he belong to?

John Burch: The 51st New York. He came to me at Petersburgh during the war.

Special Examiner: have you repeatedly seen her since her husbands death?

John Burch: Yes. I have often met her on the street and she also has repeatedly called upon me at my residence.

Special Examiner: What have been your means of acquiring knowledge regarding her condition in life since the death of her husband?

John Burch: Well I have often met her she has often called upon me. I have kept track of her during all this time and when her brother William Walton came on from Indiana some years ago he consulted me with reference to her and I had full opportunities of knowing all about her. Mr. Walton was the guardian of her children. She was not at that time of temperate habits. She had not properly taken care of her children and he was trying to secure the pension for the benefit of the children as I then understood, and I aided him all that I could. During all the time that I have known her since the soldier died, I have never heard of her remarriage nor known or ever heard of her living in marriage relations with any man.

Special Examiner: Have you ever corresponded with her brother since then?

John Burch: Yes. He wrote to me sometime ago asking whether I had heard anything about his poor unfortunate sister. I replied that I had not.

Taylor Map of Blackwell's Island in 1879 (Taylor)

Taylor Map of Blackwell’s Island in 1879 (Taylor)

Interview with Mary A. Reilly, New York, 25th July 1882

[Mary was a 70-year-old Lodging Room Keeper at 94 Roosevelt Street]

Special Examiner: When did you form her [Eliza’s] acquaintance?

Mary Reilly: In the year 1850 in this country in New York, we occupied apartments in the same dwelling house together.

Special Examiner: Have you seen her after from that period [her husband’s death] until the present?

Mary Reilly: Yes sir. She has often visited me at my house and I also have frequently called upon her at her house.

Special Examiner: What have been your means of acquiring knowledge of her condition in life and circumstances so as to testify so positively about her?

Mary Reilly: Because she has often called upon me and we have been on the most friendly and sociable terms. She has never come to my house with any man. I have not seen her in the vicinity of any man. She has never told me that she was married nor have I heard any reports of her marriage from any source and all these facts convince me that she is still a widow and a single woman.

The New York the Desmonds knew. 1879 Currier & Ives maps (Library of Congress)

The New York the Desmonds knew. 1879 Currier & Ives maps (Library of Congress)

Interview with Margaret Murphy, New York, 25th July 1882

[Margaret was a 45-year-old married woman at 32 Oak Street]

Special Examiner: How long have you known her [Eliza]?

Margaret Murphy: For about 18 years- since 1864.

Special Examiner: Did you know her husband?

Margaret Murphy: Yes. I knew him several years before I got acquainted with her because my husband and her husband were first cousins.

Special Examiner: How are you able to state these facts so definitely and positively?

Margaret Murphy: Because we have seen each other from time to time and she has never mentioned anything to me about her marriage nor have I ever seen, either at her house or elsewhere, any man in her society.

Special Examiner: Do you know her brother?

Margaret Murphy: Yes. William W. Walton. He has been in my house and I know him very well. He took her children and kept them. I recollect when he came to my house he said that his sister had been put up on the Island for taking a drop too much, and he did not want his name disgraced. She was put there under the name Walton and he was going to punish her for that. (5)

The additional Special Examiner interviews offer further insights into the life of this unfortunate woman. Perhaps most revealing is the comment made by her landlady and friend Mary Steward, who remarked that Eliza wouldn’t have been with any other man, as “she hates men.” This hints towards previous hardships she may have suffered at the hands of men within her community. The Special Examiner determined that Eliza was who she claimed to be, and that she remained a widow. Her pension was duly reinstated, and she continued to claim it until 1903. The additional insights interviews such as these offer us into Famine-era emigrants, whose real-life experiences are so often hidden us, further underlines the remarkable value of the pension files for those interested in 19th century Irish people.

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Daniel Desmond Widow’s Pension File, New York Muster Roll Abstract; (2) Daniel Desmond Widow’s Pension File, Catholic Parish Registers, New York Passenger Lists, CastleGarden.org, 1850 U.S. Census, 1855 New York State Census, 1857 Wilson 1857: 216; (3) Daniel Desmond Widow’s Pension File; (4) Ibid.; (5) Ibid.;

References & Further Reading

Widow’s Certificate WC109086 of Eliza Desmond, Widow of Daniel Desmond, 51st New York Infantry.

New York Muster Roll Abstract for Daniel Desmond.

Catholic Parish Registers: Parish of Grenagh, Diocese of Cloyne.

New York Passenger Lists, 1820-1957.

CastleGarden.org.

1850 Census, New York Ward 4, New York, New York.

1855 New York State Census, Ward 4, New York, New York.

Wilson, H. 1857. Trow’s New York City Directory. 


Filed under: Cork, Famine, New York Tagged: 51st New York Infantry, Annapolis National Cemetery, Great Famine, Irish American Civil War, Irish in Manhattan, Pension Bureau, Special Examiners, Tailoring in New York

Looking into the Face of a Maimed Irish Soldier

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At the close of the American Civil War, a photographer of the Johnson & D’Utassy company paid a visit to De Camp General Hospital on David’s Island in New York Harbor. He was there to capture images of surgical cases then being treated at the site, to preserve a record of the wounds and their treatment for future medical study. The majority of the patients had been hit in the lower extremities, and so were asked to strip as the photographer prepared his equipment. One of those chosen to be ushered in front of the camera was a young man with a lean face and abundant crop of dark hair. When his turn came, he made his way across the wooden floorboards to the blank wall that was to serve as his backdrop, selected so that all focus would be on his form. Facing the apparatus, his hospital shirt was hiked up over his waist to reveal the reason he relied on a thin black cane for support. Deeply pitted and scarred flesh midway up his left thigh betrayed the tell-tale traces of a gunshot wound. Surgical efforts had– at least for now– saved the limb, and were the cause of this image being recorded for posterity. When the cameraman covered his lens, his work done, the dark-haired youth recovered his modesty and limped off into the shrouds of history. Ultimately, his photograph would find its way to the library of the Surgeon General’s Office, preserved with a series of others taken at De Camp. It was recorded simply as “No. 5. Private Thomas Regan, Co. “F”, 2nd Massachusetts Vols.” (1)

The image of Thomas Regan captured at David's Island

The image of Thomas Regan captured at De Camp General Hospital (Johnson & D’Utassy)

Who was the young man behind this image? Where had he come from, and what was his fate? Thomas Regan was born in Co. Cork around December 1845 or 1846 and was a teenager by the time he emigrated to the United States. He is almost certainly the 13-year-old boy listed as travelling in lower steerage aboard the Ship Underwriter, which arrived in New York from Liverpool on 3rd August 1858. Thomas was the only Regan listed on the manifest, and it seems likely that his passage was remitted to him by other family already in America, possibly his older sisters. Thomas is elusive in his early years, until he made the decision– probably financially motivated– to join the Union cause. In early 1864 he travelled to Chelsea, Massachusetts where he enlisted on the quota of that city. Though he claimed to be 20-years-old, he was at most 18, possibly younger. Prior to becoming a soldier the emigrant had made a living by working as a grocer. His military description bears out much of what we can see in his image, taken a little over a year later. It recorded Thomas as 5 feet 8 inches in height, with a dark complexion, black eyes and black hair (though another description in his file credited him with a fair complexion, blue eyes and fair hair!). (2)

Camp of the 2nd Massachusetts Infantry at the City Hall in Atlanta, Georgia. Thomas was likely one of those encamped here (Library of Congress)

Camp of the 2nd Massachusetts Infantry at the City Hall in Atlanta, Georgia. Thomas was likely one of those encamped here (Library of Congress)

We can follow Thomas’s military career through his service record. He mustered in on 24th May 1864 at the Draft Rendezvous on Gallops Island in Boston Harbor, receiving an advance payment of $13 of his $100 bounty. From Gallops, Thomas went to join his new regiment in the field. The 2nd Massachusetts were then engaged in the Atlanta Campaign with the Army of the Cumberland, and Thomas joined them that June. The trials of army life soon caused him to fall ill, and he spent July and August 1864 absent sick in hospital. He returned to the 2nd in time for the March to the Sea and the Carolinas Campaign. By March 1865 the 2nd Massachusetts, and Thomas, were in North Carolina as part of the Army of Georgia. It was clear to nearly everyone by then that the war was in its final stages. On the 16th of the month, as William Tecumseh Sherman’s divided forces (the Army of Georgia and Army of the Tennessee) moved towards Goldsboro, the Confederates launched an attack on elements of the Yankee force near Averasborough (or Averasboro). Although the engagement would be overshadowed by the Battle of Bentonville which followed shortly afterwards, it was nonetheless memorable for the 2nd Massachusetts. The unit took just 129 men into the action and lost seven killed and seventeen wounded, at least one fatally. Thomas was one of the most severely hurt. In fact, so badly was he struck that the regimental history initially recorded his injuries as mortal. A little over a month after Averasborough the Rebel Army of Tennessee surrendered, but it came too late to save Thomas Regan– he was now maimed for life. (3)

Thomas Regan's 1866 Discharge Certificate (NARA)

Thomas Regan’s 1866 Discharge Certificate (NARA)

The Cork emigrant spent over a year recuperating from his horrific injury, during which time his photograph was recorded to document his recovery. He was finally discharged from the service on 16th April 1866, deemed to be two-thirds disabled. How did he cope? Superficially at least, things initially seemed to go well. We find Thomas on the 1880 Census living on East Tenth Street in Manhattan, working as a printer, and making his home with his older sisters Ellen and Mary, both of whom were seamstresses. A decade later he was living at 541 East Twelfth Street with his sister Ellen when he was enumerated on the 1890 veteran’s schedule, but it would appear that by then things were on a downward spiral for Thomas. On 15th October 1890 the veteran, now in his mid-forties, checked himself in to the Southern Branch of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans at Hampton, Virginia. Down on his luck and apparently suffering from his 1865 wound, he appears to have relied on the Homes for the rest of his life. On 21st September 1904 he was transferred to the Mountain Branch, located in Johnson City, Tennessee. His sister Ellen was still living back in East Twelfth Street, but Thomas was destined never to rejoin her. He died in the Home on 15th January 1906. His cause of death may provide one of the reasons he found himself in the Home– hypertrophic dilatation of the heart, caused by alcoholism. We will never know how major a factor a life lived coping with the physical consequences of his wounds played in his disease, but they must surely have contributed. Today the Cork emigrant’s remains rest in the Mountain Home National Cemetery; but he continues to stare back at us from 1865, when he was just embarking on decades of life as a permanently injured veteran of the American Civil War. (4)

The grave of Thomas Regan at Mountain Home National Cemetery (Bruce Williams)

The grave of Thomas Regan at Mountain Home National Cemetery (Bruce Williams)

(1) Johnson & D’Utassy; (2) Thomas Regan Civil War Service Record, 1900 Federal Census, Passenger Lists of Vessels Arriving at New York, Chelsea City Council: 149; (3) Thomas Regan Civil War Service Record, Quint 1867: 268-71; (4) 1880 Federal Census, 1890 Veteran’s Schedule, 1900 Federal Census, Southern Branch National Home, Mountain Branch National Home, Find A Grave.

References

United States Federal Census 1880 for Area 324, New York, New York.

United States Federal Census 1900 for District 0008, Chesapeake, Elizabeth County, Virginia.

Special Schedules of the Eleventh Census Enumerating Union Veterans and Widows of Union Veterans of the Civil War (1890 Veterans Schedule).

Passenger Lists of Vessels Arriving at New York, New York 1820-1987. M237, Roll 186.

Historical Register of National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers, 1866-1938, Southern Branch.

Historical Register of National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers, 1866-1938, Mountain Branch.

Thomas Regan Civil War Service Record, 2nd Massachusetts Infantry, Company F.

Chelsea City Council 1880. Roll of Honor of the City of Chelsea. A List of the Soldiers and Sailors who Served on the Quota of Chelsea in the Great Civil War for the Preservation of the Union from 1861 to 1865.

Johnson & D’Utassy, n.d. Photographs of surgical cases treated at De Camp General Hospital, Davids’ Island, New York Harbor.

Quint, Alonzo H. 1867. The Record of the Second Massachusetts Infantry, 1861-65. 

Find A Grave Memorial for Thomas Regan.


Filed under: Cork, Massachusetts, New York Tagged: 2nd Massachusetts Infantry, Civil War Photography, Civil War Veterans, Cork Emigrations, Irish American Civil War, Irish in Massachusetts, Irish in New York, National Home for Disabled Volunteer Veterans

Johanna Barry: The Story of an Emigrant Domestic in Ireland & America, 1836-1916

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On 17th September 1862, 27-year-old tailor Denis Barry from Dunmanway in West Co. Cork ventured into Antietam’s West Woods with the 19th Massachusetts Infantry. He never came out again. One of the legacies of Denis’s death is the extraordinary detail it has left us about the life of his wife Johanna, covering her time in both Ireland and the United States across more than half a century. His death also allows us to examine the close links that many Irish emigrants maintained with those who remained in Ireland, as well as their friends and former neighbours who had made new lives in America. It is yet another exemplar of why the widow’s and dependent pension files are surely the greatest source on the individual experiences of 19th century Irish people available anywhere in the world. (1)

Maids draw water from a well, 1864. Johanna spent the majority of her life in domestice service in Ireland and America (Oscar Gustave Rejlander)

Maids draw water from a well, 1864. Johanna spent the majority of her life in domestice service in Ireland and America (Oscar Gustave Rejlander)

Denis was born on Cat Lane in the town of Dunmanway to John and Johanna Barry (née Brennan). The couple’s eldest son, he was baptised on 27th November 1835. The following year, Johanna Sullivan was born in the same locality, and the two children grew up knowing each other. Between 1845 and 1852 both witnessed the full brunt of the Famine in West Cork, living as they did in one of the most severely impacted areas on the entire island. A measure of the conditions that were being reported from there can be visualised in this 1847 letter written from Dunmanway:

Truly the land is becoming…one vast Lazar house of the dead and dying. Literally the cry of famine is never out of our ears from dawn till late evening. And now the pestilence is raging, the poor creatures previously weakened by want of food, have no strength left to contend with fever, and are swept, away, notwithstanding all we can do to save them. Our own Poor House, intended for 400 persons, is now never without 800 inmates. We still have here the luxury of coffins, but how long that privilege of decent burials will be continued, we cannot tell…In some places near us, the dead are buried without coffins in heaps, and hungry dogs drag the corpses from their graves, and eat them. A man saw his wife’s head in a dog’s mouth… (2)

Dunmanway from the Bridge on the Cork Road, 1848

Dunmanway from the Bridge on the Cork Road, 1848 (The Felon’s Track)

Denis and Johanna survived these hazardous times, but the two approached adulthood in what was a fundamentally changed country. Denis learned the trade of tailoring, possibly from his father. Meanwhile Johanna entered into a life of domestic service, obtaining a position as a servant in the priest’s house in nearby Enniskeane. On the 8th September 1857 in the parish Church of St. Mary’s the couple, who had spent all their lives in the same circles, married. They were united by the Reverend Father James Bowen with their friends Michael Kearney and Eliza Hurley standing as witnesses. At the time, Denis was 22 and Johanna 20. Before they wed the couple had already determined that their married life would not be in Ireland. Like many other newlyweds at the time, they decided to almost immediately make for the emigrant boat. Within days they were spending their last night in West Cork– under the roof of Denis’s parents on Castle Street. Perhaps they had something like an “American Wake” there, as they said farewell to many family and friends for the final time. (3)

Marriage Certificate of Denis and Johanna Barry (NARA/Fold3)

Marriage Certificate of Denis and Johanna Barry (NARA/Fold3)

Denis and Johanna Barry made their way to Liverpool, possibly via Queenstown and Cork Harbour. There they took passage on the Ship Australia bound for New York. On 4th November 1857, less than two months after their marriage, the couple arrived in Castle Garden on the southern tip of Manhattan. Their new life in the United States had begun. However, it dosen’t seem to have lasted long with the couple under the same roof. About a year after they first landed, Denis’s first cousin– also called Denis Barry, and also a tailor– came over from Cork. The two Denis’s struck out for Boston on the look out for employment, while Johanna stayed in New York and continued her work as a domestic. Whether there was more to their parting than just economic necessity is unknown, but according to Johanna the couple stayed in touch. She remembered:

She [Johanna] came once…to Boston in 1859, and went with her husband to East Cambridge in search of friends who had recently come from Ireland. She stopped with her husband four days at his boarding house and returned again to New York [as she] had no acquaintances in Boston and did not wish to remain…[Denis] came frequently to New York to see her and both her husband and his cousin came to see her in New York in March 17th St. Patrick’s Day 1861. (4)

Castle Garden record pertaining to the arrival of Johanna and Denis in New York (NARA/Fold3)

Castle Garden record pertaining to the arrival of Johanna and Denis in New York (NARA/Fold3)

Johanna might have been reluctant to move on from New York because she had obtained a good position. She may be the 24-year-old Joanna Barry recorded in 1860 as a domestic in the 16th Ward, living in the home of Ethan Watson, a New Yorker with a personal estate valued at $25000. Alternately she may be the 25-year-old of the same name who was a live-in servant with the Irish Mahoney family in the First Ward. Either way Johanna was still in New York in August 1861 when she received a letter from Denis informing her that both he and his cousin had enlisted in the army. On his enlistment Denis was described as 5 feet 5 1/2 inches tall, with blue eyes, a dark complexion and black hair. Unsurprisingly, the military records of Denis and his cousin were easily confused, particularly so after his cousin deserted the unit at Lynnfield, Massachusetts before the regiment left the state. According to Johanna, her husband’s cousin did so in order to travel to New York and join the Irish Brigade (he may be the Denis Brady who enlisted in the 69th New York on 30th September 1861, and was discharged following a wound at the Battle of Malvern Hill). Johanna’s Denis stayed with the 19th Massachusetts, and was with the regiment when it marched up Broadway on its way to the front. While stationed in New York Denis met Johanna, and “placed in her hands seventy-five dollars” which she immediately lodged in the Emigrant Savings Bank at 51 Chambers St. Over the course of the next year Denis corresponded regularly with his wife. At Glendale during the Seven Days’ fighting he was wounded in the head and apparently captured, but had recovered and was exchanged in time to participate in the Maryland Campaign. There his luck ran out, when he was killed in action somewhere near Antietam’s West Woods on 17th September 1862. (5)

Dead at Antietam (Library of Congress)

Dead on the Antietam battlefield (Library of Congress)

Johanna applied for a pension based on Denis’s service, which was granted in 1864. We can follow her through records like those of New York’s Emigrants Savings Bank. In 1863, while living in Cliff Street and working as a domestic, her account– 33449– bore a note to say she was “a widow of Denis Barry Co. E. 19th Mass. Vols., no child. In case of death she wishes her mother who is coming from Ireland to get the money.” Johanna seems to have been fastidious about keeping up contact with home, and in remitting money for the care of both her direct family and in-laws in Ireland. Although her mother may never have made the trip, in 1866 Johanna was reunited with a most welcome visitor from Ireland when her best friend arrived in America. Her name was Catherine Murray, and she stayed a while with Johanna in New York before making for her new home in East Cambridge, Massachusetts– the very place where Johanna had visited friends in the late 1850s. It is evident that East Cambridge was a major centre for emigrants from Dunmanway and Enniskeane, and it is little surprise that Johanna herself elected to move there by around 1870. (6)

Irish emigrants sending money back to Ireland from the Emigrants Savings Bank in 1880 (Library of Congress)

Irish emigrants sending money back to Ireland from the Emigrants Savings Bank in 1880 (Library of Congress)

When Johanna first moved to Massachusetts, she sought out her friend Catherine (whose married name was Barrett). The two “shared a yard” for four years, and the widow also spent two years living with the Fee family. She spent a year in the service of Edward McMahon, and two years as a tenant in his house. Edward would describe Johanna as of “very good character.” By 1880 she was boarding with Hannah Doran and her family. That was also the year her life began to unravel. Having claimed her pension for 16 years, she was notified her future payments were being suspended, as another woman had also been claiming benefits based on Denis’s wartime service. Her name was Catherine White; she maintained that she had married Denis Barry in St. Mary’s Church, Boston on 29th December 1858, and had borne him two children, William (b. 1860) and Catherine (b. 1862). Catherine had subsequently remarried, but her children had continued to benefit from pension payments. What was the truth of the matter? The dates that Catherine White put forward certainly did overlap with the time Denis was living away from Johanna in Massachusetts. Unsurprisingly, in all her future correspondence, Johanna (and the Barry family) claimed Denis had never remarried. The truth may be found in an account given by Johanna’s priest in East Cambridge. He wrote the following in support of her quest for reinstatement of the pension:

I am assistant pastor of the church at which she [Johanna] worships…I obtained her marriage certificate for her from her pastor in Ireland…Catherine White is not the lawful wife of…Denis Barry…Barry lawfully married…Joanna in Ireland and…sometime after emigrating to America he married Catherine White but without having his first marriage annulled and without divorce from his first wife. (7)

East Cambridge in 1854 Walling)

East Cambridge in 1854 (Walling)

The loss of her pension caused Johanna significant financial hardship. In an effort to re-assert her claim, she drew on the strong connections that she had maintained with Dunmanway/Enniskeane emigrants, as well as those that had never left Ireland. In so doing she left us a record of how strong these ties often were– all the more notable as we know that Johanna was unable to either read or write. Among those who gave statements on her behalf was her childhood friend Catherine Barrett (Murray). Another was Catherine’s mother, Johanna Murray, who in 1880 was living at 20 North Street in East Cambridge. One of the lesser studied aspects of 19th century emigration is how those who left often later sent for their elderly parents. Johanna Barry had intended to do this, and Catherine Barrett (Murray) certainly did. When Johanna Murray gave her evidence she stated that she was 75-years-old, and that until her early 60s she and her husband had lived all their lives some five miles outside Dunmanway and a mile from Enniskeane. She had known all the Barrys well, and Johanna from the time she was born, as her Sullivan parents had their home only a half mile from her own in Cork. As a testament to how these emigrant communities stuck together, Johanna Murray noted that she had seen Johanna Barry almost every day since she had moved to East Cambridge. (8)

Immigrants arriving at Castle Garden, 1880 Harpers Weekly

Immigrants arriving at Castle Garden, 1880 (Harpers Weekly)

We know that the remittance of money by emigrants back to Ireland was an extremely important financial aid to many who never left the country. Johanna not only sought to do this for her own Sullivan family, she also tried to help her in-laws, Denis’s Barry family in Dunmanway. That she did so is clearly communicated in the following letter, which her mother-in-law, Denis’s mother (yet another Johanna!), had penned in late 1880:

Dunmanway

December 6th 1880

My Dear Daughter

I received your welcome letter, and I feel very glad to hear you were well in health, as this leaves us all in at present thanks be to God. You told me to go [to] the workhouse for your brother’s child. I went there and he was taken out a fortnight before by his aunt. If I had known before that he was there I would have taken him without you telling me in compliment of yourself if I never got a farthing for it. There was a good deal of money left after your mother, and they had no occasion to put the child in the workhouse. Any time that I can I’ll take the child. As soon as I’ll get him and send him to school. Let me know which of the neigbours put in the claim against you about your pension. Also let me know if there is any proof required that you are the right woman. If there is I am ready to prove that you are my first daughter-in-law, the wife of my eldest son Denis Barry. I hope it will be all right, and that there will be no occasion of having any bother about the matter as of course it is your right to get it. For my part I can only say you are one of the best daughter inlaws that ever went to America. You are better for me in the latter end of my days than all I ever had and the Lord will reward you for it even without my prayers and hearty thanks. You can show this to the people who spoke against you and my letter will make liars of them and make them be ashamed of themselves. When you send me your picture at Christmas please do let me know if there was anymore said about it and if there was I will go to the parish priest, and get your marriage certificate and send it to you. Don’t fail in sending your picture and writing for Christmas as I would spend the Christmas time happier if I had a letter from you. Wishing you a merry Christmas and a happy New Year I remain with fond love,

Your affectionate mother,

Johannah Barry. (9)

 Castle Street, Dunmanway as it appears today, and where the Barrys lived.

This fascinating letter reveals that our Johanna’s nephew had gone into the local workhouse in Dunmanway, and that she had become aware of it despite living in America. Johanna evidently felt a keen responsibility to make sure he was looked after and had requested of her mother-in-law that she see to his welfare. It also suggests that Johanna’s mother had never succeeded in making it to the United States and had died in Ireland. Another element that comes out of this correspondence is that Catherine White, the woman who also claimed to have married Denis, may also have been from Dunmanway. In anycase, it is evident that Denis’s mother was unaware there may have been a second marriage. What pours off the page is her mother-in-law’s gratitude for all the aid sent back to Ireland over the years, presumably financial. It is worth remembering that at the time of writing the two women had not seen each other in well over twenty years. It was not only Denis Barry’s mother who benefited from this remittance. At the end of the letter the following note was added, from Denis’s siblings:

Dear Sister

We also join in sending you our thanks, for your present, and hope you won’t forget us when you are writing to mother so far as remembering us. Of course we would wish you as well as anyone could and send you the compliments of the coming happy season of Christmas.

From your fond

Brother & Sister

Johannah & Jerry Barry

Kisses from all

xxxxxxxxx

P.S. It is just six years since your fatherinlaw died

J. Barry

Write soon. Answer this.

 

Direct your letter to the Widow Johannah Barry

Castle Road

Dunmanway

Co. Cork

Ireland. (10)

Johannas mark

Johanna was unable to read and write, but that did not stop her corresponding by letter. Here is her mark from one of the documents in her file (NARA/Fold3)

As promised, Johanna’s mother-in-law provided an official statement with respect to her son’s marriage. It was sent in 1881 via the U.S. Consulate in Queenstown (now Cobh), Co. Cork; the Consul E.P. Brooks noted that “the ordinary fee…is one guinea, but I presume the parties are poor, as pensioners generally are, & I therefore ask you to send me only 10/6.” The evidence was clear– even if her husband had married twice, Johanna had been the first. Her pension was duly reinstated, and she received it for the rest of her life. Around this time Johanna was living in 96 Gore Street in East Cambridge, where she spent a number of years before moving to rented accommodation at 1126 Cambridge Street. The evidence suggests that Johanna continued her policy of looking after family. The 1900 Census records her living with her nephew Daniel Sullivan, a day laborer, who had been born in Massachusetts and who provides further evidence of local Dunmanway/Enniskeane emigration to the area. The 1900 Census provides another insight into Johanna’s life. That tells us that she had given birth to a child, which had not survived. This tragedy must have occurred in the late 1850s, presumably while she was living in New York. By the time of that census Johanna was approaching her mid-60s, and had been in the United States for 43 years. (11)

 Gore Street, East Cambridge, where Johanna spent a number of years.

Unfortunately, Johanna’s final years were difficult ones. On 5th June 1906 a solicitor called Minnie B. Winward was appointed her legal guardian, and claimed the pension on Johanna’s behalf. The reason for the appointment was that Johanna had been “adjudged insane.” In the early 20th century this term was used for a broad range of ailments– it maybe that Johanna was beginning to experience the onset of dementia. Her condition had not improved by the time her guardianship was transferred to solicitor John J Coady, nor would it ever again. Johanna’s final decade of life was lived under guardianship until her death at the age of 80 on 1st June 1916. I have been unable to determine where Johanna spent that final decade, or where she was buried. For a woman who had taken such care to look after others during her long life, it is to be hoped that she enjoyed the comfort of family and friends in her final years, but given the state of her guardianship that was perhaps not the case. The widow’s pension file relating to her case when combined with other sources, allows us to build a picture of an ordinary emigrant life. Despite its undoubted hardship, in many ways her life seems remarkable to us now, given the breadth of her experiences. Aside from gaining an insight into Johanna’s own life, the story further reinforces the extent to which local communities maintained bonds– both social and financial– in both America and Ireland across the decades. (12)

An elderly woman in the early 20th century Library of Congress

An elderly woman in the early 20th century (Library of Congress)

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) WC13083, Denis Barry Service Record; (2) Irish Catholic Parish Registers: Dunmanway, WC13083, Tri-Weekly Ohio Statesman 1847; (3) WC13083; (4) WC13083; (5) 1860 Census, WC13083, Denis Barry Service Record, New York Muster Roll Abstracts; (6) WC13083, Emigrant Savings Bank Records; (7) WC13083, 1880 Census; (8) WC13083; (9) Ibid.; (10) Ibid.; (11) WC13083, 1900 Census; (12) WC13083;

References & Further Reading

WC13083 of Johanna Barry, Widow of Denis Barry, Company E, 19th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry.

Denis Barry 19th Massachusetts Infantry Service Record.

New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts.

1860 U.S. Federal Census, New York Ward 16, New York.

1860 U.S. Federal Census, New York Ward 1, District 2, New York.

1880 U.S. Federal Census, Cambridge, Middlesex, Massachusetts.

1900 U.S. Federal Census, District 0964, Cambridge Ward 2, Middlesex, Massachusetts.

Emigrant Savings Bank. Emigrant Savings Bank Records. Call number *R-USLHG *ZI-815. Rolls 1-20. New York Public Library, New York, New York.

Irish Catholic Parish Registers, Diocese of Cork and Ross, Parish of Dunmanway, Baptisms June 21, 1818- April 24, 1838 (Microfilm 04805/03).

Tri-Weekly Ohio Statesman 19th May 1847. Dreadful Disasters in Ireland.

Antietam National Battlefield.

Civil War Trust Battle of Antietam Page.


Filed under: Battle of Antietam, Cork, Massachusetts, New York Tagged: Cork Emigrants, Famine Emigration, Irish American Civil War, Irish Bridgets, Irish Domestic Service, Irish in Massachusetts, Irish in New York, Widow's Pensions

Podcast: Catherine Garvin & The Search For Her Disabled Son in 1860s America

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The new Forgotten Irish Podcast is now live. It is a story that may be familiar to some of you, that of Catherine Garvin and her son Con, which also features as the first chapter of my latest book. In late 1863, details of the sensational case in which they were involved began to emerge in the newspapers of the Union. At its centre was Con, an intellectually disabled boy from Co. Limerick, stolen from home and sold into the Federal Army, and his mother Catherine’s desperate efforts to recover him. Among those to become involved were none other than Abraham Lincoln himself. The podcast, which you can listen to below, tells their story. If you enjoy it, be sure to subscribe to the Podcast here.

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw.

Illiterate Letters to the Clachan: Revealing One Family’s Emigration Story in 1870s Donegal

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James McDevitt was born into a large Irish family around the year 1845. His home was in a small cluster of houses– known as a clachan– which operated an infield and outfield farming system known as rundale (see here). James grew up cheek by jowl with not only his own siblings but a number of other children from the Harkin, Toner, Quinn and McCormack houses which surrounded his own. The small settlement they inhabited was on the south bank of the River Swilly in the townland of Drumenan, near Glenswilly, Co. Donegal. Drumenan was marginal land, with only a few well-drained fields in a locality dominated by bog. Prospects were few and far between for the McDevitt children, and it was inevitable that the family sundered on the rock of emigration. While some of the McDevitts remained in Donegal, others set out for New York. James was 21 when his turn to leave came round in 1866. Through his life, he had enjoyed an especially close relationship with his father Patrick. As he was about to set off, Patrick took his son “out between the buildings” of the clachan to impart some final advice. Neither knew if they would every see each other again. James left for the emigrant boat with the words still ringing in his ears. There were many he was sorry to leave behind, but perhaps none more so than his niece. The girl he had always referred to fondly as “little Grace”–even though she was only a few years his junior– was one of those to tearfully wave him off.

Clachan

The Griffith’s Valuation map showing the clachan where James McDevitt grew up in Drumenan, Co. Donegal. His father’s house is the building marked 2f (askaboutireland.ie)

It is not clear what James chose to do in his first years in America, but his first port of call was certainly with family, probably his brother. By the 1870s he had determined on the military life. He became a member of the United States Marines, and was soon deployed on long voyages to far flung destinations. His profession made it difficult for him to keep in touch with home, as he would often be at sea for months or even years at a time. Even so, James wrote when he could. This was despite the fact that, like nearly all his family, he was illiterate. But as we have seen countless times before, literacy was no barrier to either writing or reading letters. James had different comrades pen his correspondence home for him during his service. His letters imparted news about the McDevitt family in America, and sought it from the McDevitt family in Ireland. The topics he covered were typical of those covered by American emigrants when writing to rural Ireland in this period. James often specifically addressed multiple family members in a single letter, a tell-tale sign that the correspondence was communal. After it arrived in the Drumenan clachan, family and friends gathered around as it was read aloud by a literate relative or neighbour. Another feature of James’s letters was his feeling of responsibility to those left behind, also common in emigrant correspondence. While in America he sought to fulfil these obligations by remitting money and by paying the passage of other family members to the United States. The McDevitt story is typical of the working-class experience of nineteenth century Irish emigration. What makes it special is that we have some of the detail which helps bring that story to life.


The location of the McDevitt home as it appears today. The Clachan no longer exists.Of the 13 family names recorded in the townland in the mid-nineteenth century, only six were left in 1901.The McDevitts were not among them.

When James first joined the Marines they physically described him. He was said to be 5 feet 7 inches tall, with grey eyes, brown hair and a ruddy complexion. By 1877, he had been assigned to a new vessel, the USS Huron. An iron-hulled screw steamer with a full-rig auxiliary sail, she had only been launched at the end of 1875. On the night of 23rd November 1877 James left Hampton Roads, Virginia aboard the Huron, bound for Cuba. They had barely left before they were truck by a deadly storm, gusting from the south-east. At around 1.30 in the morning Huron ran aground at Nag’s Head, North Carolina, just 200 yards from the beach. Although they were almost within touching distance of safety, the dreadful conditions prevented most of the more than 130 men aboard from reaching shore. As waves lashed the ship, they desperately clung to the wreckage and waited for help to come. It never did. The lifestations along the coast were closed that November. As the hours passed, some men reportedly lashed themselves to the hull to prevent themselves from being swept overboard. But the strength of more and more of the men failed, and they were gradually washed overboard to their deaths. One wave alone cast at least 12 of them to their doom. In the end, 98 men perished– one of them Private James McDevitt. The remains of those men who were identified were taken to the United States Naval Academy Cemetery in Annapolis, Maryland, but unfortunately James’s body was not among them. Today his name is remembered on the rear of the Huron memorial in the cemetery.

The rear of the USS Huron memorial at the United States Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland. James’s name is second from bottom on the right (US Naval Academy)

Perhaps mercifully, James’s father Patrick had not lived to hear of his son’s premature death. He had passed away in Donegal on 14th March 1875 after a long illness. James’s mother Mary was still alive, and she attempted to secure an American military pension, an effort that ultimately proved unsuccessful. In her appeal she recorded that she owned only a “piece of mountain land” that was valued at £2 annually. Her home was described as a “small cabin.” Because James was no longer remitting money from America, she was “now in debt to my neighbours for foods and money…” Some of those neighbours gave evidence on her behalf, remarking how she only had 2 acres of arable land. Mary McDevitt also enlisted the help of her family in America. There to coordinate those efforts was “little Grace.” James’s favourite niece had emigrated to New York, and it seems it may have been James who paid her passage. In fact, he had spent his last three days leave with her before heading off for what proved the final time. The 1880 Census records Grave at 260 4th Avenue in New York, where the 28-year-old was working as a chamber maid. She was living with 15 other Irish chamber maids and an Irish-born cook, and was one of the few who could neither read nor write. Even so, she went to great lengths to secure the documentation her grandmother in Ireland needed. This included statements from other members of their Donegal clachan who now lived in America. But the Pension Bureau remained unsatisfied, and eventually asked Mary McDevitt if she had any letters from James. She duly sent them to Washington D.C. from Donegal, where they remain preserved in the National Archives. Unfortunately she never received a pension. The five letters, which offer such an intriguing insight into the emotional toll of emigration, are reproduced in full below.

The wreck site of the USS Huron is now a popular diving spot. The Town of Nags Head tells her story here.

August 19th 1874

Dear Father and Mother I now take this favourable opportunity of writing to you to let you know that I am in good health thank God for it. Hoping you are all enjoying the same great blessing. Dear Father and mOther you must excuse my not writing before this. Dear Mother I am just after making a three years and a half cruise through Southern America. Dear Mother I am only here at this post one month and I will perhaps remain here the remainder of my enlistment unless there is some chance offered for a transfer to some other post. My time will be out in September 1875. Dear Father and Mother I have not forgotten you yet. Dear Father and Mother I never knew about what it was to want a Father and Mother until I cam to this Country. You must let me know in your answer to this letter how you are getting along. Dear Mother I wish to know how sister Mary and husband are getting along because I know that she is raising a large family and I know it must be pretty hard on her. Give my love to her and tell her that I have not forgotten her yet and I will do something for her and also let little Grace know that her Uncle has not forgotten her yet. Tell her if she wants anything from her Uncle to not be backward in asking for it. Tell her if she wants to come to America to just let me know, let her know that I will pay all expenses. Dear Mother I ave thought of going home and if she would wait until my time was out I would bring her back to America along with me. Dear Father and Mother I will never die until I see you and put my arms around your necks. I never lie down at night but I think oy you for I know you are the same way about me and especially every set night for I feel bad myself you may be sure. I will send you a present for Hallow Eve Night and I am sure it will make you laugh. I have got two letters from brother Patrick since I came here and he is in good health. I was also in brother Daniel’s some time ago and himself and wife were well he was a very kind brother to me. Give my love to brotherJohn and Edward and wife tell them I have not forgotten them either. Give my love to aunt Mary and husband and tell cousin Alice and Mary and Mary’s husband and let them know I have not forgotten my boy yet. Dear brother Edward let me know what became of your daughter Ann as the poor little thing has got no mother. Give my love to all my uncles and aunts and my best respects to all inquiring friends.

Marine Barracks

Norfolk Va. Sep 27th 1874

Dear Father and Mother I now take the present opportunity of writing you these few lines to let you know that these leave me in good health hoping this will find you all enjoying the same blessing. Dear Father and Mother I received your kind and welcome letter on the 18th of September and was sorry to hear that my poor Father was so bad. I have not felt well since I heard of him being so bad and I asked the Commanding Officer if he would recommend me for a special discharge and he said he would not because he was too short handed and when he refused me I did not know what to do. I had made up my mind to desert and go home but the boys tell me that I would lose a great deal by deserting and that I had better stop and I think it is better for me to wait until I get another letter from you to see what you advise me to do and if you would advise me to come home I will leave the Marine Corps. Dear Father and Mother you must excuse me for not sending you some money in this letter I have not received no pay as yet except when I am going on liberty but I will get my pay on the 10th of October and then I will send you 20 pounds. Dear Father let me know how much you are in debt. Dear Father don’t think I am leaving myself poor by sending you the money for I could send you 60 pounds as well as 20 after pay day. Dear Father and Mother do not shed a tear for me for I am all right. Dear Mother I want you to handle the old man as if you were handling eggs and give him everything he wants and all expenses will be paid by me. Dear Father you stated in your letter that you though you would not be able to pay your debts before you die well you need not be afraid of that for I will pay all your debts. Dear Father if you be dead I never will come home for I can’t it would break my heart. You may be waiting for the money on the 26th of October. Dear Father I heard that brother John is not doing right. Dear brother John if you don’t like to stop with your Father and mother if you are not satisfied with them write to me and I will bring you out. Dear brother John I want you to take good care of my poor Father and if you want anything at all I will send it to you. Give my love to all my brothers and sisters and my best respects to all my friends and well wishes.

No more at present,

I remain your affectionate son,

James McDevitt

Dear mother you talked about selling your land do not sell for your life for it will come good some day I will take care of you.

Write as quick as this comes home.

Marine Barracks

Norfolk, Va., Oct 11th 1874

Dear Father and Mother I now take this favourable opportunity of writing you these few lines to let you know that I am in good health hoping this will find you all enjoying the same blessing. Dear Father and Mother I have sent you £20 Pound Sterling this letter is to see if you have received the money. I sent it on the 12th I want you to write at once and let me know if you have received it yet. Dear Father I was very sorry to hear of your being so bad I feel sorry being so far away that I could not see you.

Dear Father I do not forget the words you told me between the buildings yet. Dear Mother I felt good when you said that you had stored it so well yourself. I receive a letter most every day from my cousins they are all well and told me to send you their best respects. I must now bring my short letter to a close by sending my love to my brother and sisters uncles and aunts and my best respects to all inquiring friends.

No more at present. I remain your affection son,

James McDevitt

write as soon as this comes to hand.

Phila Marine Barracks

April 5th ’75

My Dear Mother I received your letter yesterday with a sorrowful heart when I heard of my poor Father being dead for there was nothing on this world I would put before him. Dear Mother it took me by surprise for I was not thinking of such a thing it gave me a shock that I don’t feel the better of it since. I wrote to Paddy this morning and informed him of the full circumstance. I blame you Dear Mother for not writing to me sooner and letting me know that he was in that state. I wrote a letter to you some time ago and told you if he was in any danger that you should let me know and that I would go home and you wrote to me that he was getting better. So you can’t blame me for not seeing him before he died. Dear Mother I thought I would be at home to put the green sod on him myself but it can’t be helped for it was God’s will to have it so. Dear Mother don’t worry yourself now for it is too late all the good we can do him now is to pray for him. I here dear brother John ask you to take good care of my mother for my and my father’s sake and all the help I can I will give you and if it was a thing that you could not get alone I will pay your passage out here and give the land to my sister and her take [care] of mother and keep her and I will help her in it all thats in my power. I am not advising you to come but you can choose between the two come or stay. I here dear Sister ask of you to write me a letter and give me full particulars so don’t forget it or I will never forgive you. I had got a letter from your daughter Grace and she sent me her picture and she is well. I seen Paddy some time ago and he was well. Dear Mother I will send you some money in a couple of months so try and get along the best way you can until then. I here must come to a close with a sorrowful heart. I send my love to you all so no more from your loving son and brother,

James McDevitt

Write soon. Address James McDevitt, Marine Barracks, Philadelphia Navy Yard, Penna.

Port Royal South Carolina

United States Steamer Huron Jan 24th 1877

My Dear Mother

I take this opportunity of writing you a few lines, to let you know, that I am in good health, hoping this will find you the same. Dear Mother you must excuse me for not writing to you sooner when I heard of my poor Father’s death. I left off the notion of writing home as I lost the only friend I had in the World. I know that he thought more of me than the whole family. Dear Mother, I am satisfied that is better off when he had the rites of the Church. In the next letter I send I will send you enough to have a High Mass said for him. Do not heed what anybody says of me, I am independent of them all. I never wanted a 10 or 20 in my pocket since I have been in the Country, and if you ever nee it I have it for you also. Dear Mother do not think that your son James has forgotten you. My feelings are more tender towards you now than they were when I left home.

You must not think that soldiering here is the same as home for a soldier here makes more in one month that an English one would make in a year. The pay is equal to £5 or 25 dollars per month here and we get our clothes & board. Also, on account of the hard times here I thank God where I am. Many a poor man would be glad to have the same chance if they could for there are plenty of our Country men and women starving in the streets. There was never known such times in America before. My brother Patrick and Daniel are well. I have got little Grace’s likeness and she is well and she said that she wanted to see her Uncle James very bad, because I called her little Grace, and she told me to not call her little Grace, that she was big Grace now, and said that she was counted as good a looking girl as was in New York.

I send my love to my brothers and sisters and tell sister Mary that I have not forgotten her yet, sister Mary do not forget and look out for my mother, give my Aunt Mary husband and family my best respects. I have been in her son James’ before I came on board of ship and his wife and family are well. Give my best respects to all the Cannon? family. Dear mother I will surprise you some night I will ship in some night when you will not be thinking about me. Write as soon as you receive this letter and let me know how you are getting along. I remain Dear Mother your ever affct. & loving son,

James McDevitt

P.S. Direct your letter to James McDevitt, U.S.M. Corps, U.S.S. Huron, Port Royal, South Carolina, U.S. America, or elsewhere.

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw.

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online. A team of archivists from NARA supported by volunteers have enabled access to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References

Griffith’s Valuation.

1880 Federal Census.

James McDevitt Dependent Mother’s Application (Disapproved).

State of North Carolina. USS Huron Shipwreck Preserve

United States Naval Academy.

“It Was Not For To Be Soldiers We Came Out”: Recruited Straight Off The Boat–Some New Evidence

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Back in 2015 Brendan Hamilton and I published a piece on the site entitled Recruited Straight Off The Boat: On the Trail of Emigrant Soldiers From the Ship Great Western. The work was based on Brendan’s discovery (and his extensive subsequent investigations) that revealed a large number of men who had been recruited into the army on the very day they arrived in America. These men had traveled from England, ostensibly to work in the New York Glassworks of Messrs Bliss, Ward and Rosevelt. Prior to their departure, controversy erupted as Confederate agents informed British authorities that they were in fact intended for Union service, and had been “recruited” in England by a Federal agent called Shaw. The original post outlines the details of the case, and the experiences of some of the men who subsequently enlisted. Now a new affidavit has come to light, provided by an Irishman on board who decided he did not want to join up. His testimony provides not only fascinating detail about what occurred, but also raises questions about just who was involved in these dubious recruitment efforts. The affiant’s name was James O’Brien, who recounted his version of the story for the British Consul five days after the Great Western had docked:

I am a native of Cork of the age of twenty years. Have been living in London for about twelve months as a gentleman’s servant. About the 18 of November last I was engaged at No. 19 Old Pye Street Westminster by one Shea to come out to New York to work in Glass Works. There was about fifteen others engaged at the same time and place. Shea agreed to give us all fifteen dollars a month and our board and lodging, besides a suit of clothes suitable to the climate when we arrived in the States. Next day we all came down to Liverpool. Shea paid our fares and came with us. We were taken on board the Great Western and were there about a fortnight before we sailed. Nothing was said about enlisting in the army until the ship arrived here on Friday last. Bread and cheese and pipes and tobacco were brought off, and we were then told by some one that we should have to enlist. This was the first I heard of it. I came on shore in the tug boat on Saturday morning with the others. After signing names, we were taken into the enlisting station, the Police took us in and went with us. I was there urged to enlist. I refused, I was several times asked and refused. I said and so did others of those who came from London that it was not for to be soldiers we came out, but to get the work appointed for us in London. Some one said in reply that it was for soldiers we came. I said it was not. They told us we would get no work we had better list, and said we would get five hundred dollars bounty. I refused to list. The door was closed all the time I was there and a man at the door. I got out of the station about three o’clock. I do not know the names of any who asked us to list. Shea was not there. I am quite destitute since I have been here. I can hardly walk a few yards but a man comes up to me to ask me to list in the Navy or Army. I do not know what to do, and want employment.

Theodore Roosevelt Senior. What, if anything, did he know about the recruitment of men from the Great Western? (Wikipedia)

James O’Brien’s account of events is fascinating. It is difficult to credit his assertion that nothing had been said about enlisting in the army before his arrival, given that many of his fellow passengers had been on board the Great Western in Liverpool on 17th November when authorities came on board to question them about potential recruitment. But this was the day before James was signed on in London. It is entirely believable that he had journeyed with the express intention of working in the glassworks, and had no desire or intention to serve in the military. Clearly, the intensive focus on the activities aboard the Great Western did not dissuade Shea from continuing to source men for the passage. It seems probable that this “Shea” is the same man as the “Shaw” referenced in contemporary accounts of the incident. If so, it suggests he was Irish. It is evident in almost all the cases of suspected illegal recruitment (and inducement) that I have encountered that Irish intermediaries were key players. They frequently used their shared nationality and ethnicity to exploit their countrymen (both in Ireland and America) in pursuit of the huge profits on offer (See for example posts here and here).

The Union League Club of New York (Image: Beyond My Ken)

Further adding to the explosive nature of O’Brien’s account is his claim that New York’s Metropolitan Police were involved in trying to force him to enlist. Were some of New York’s authorities and leading citizens colluding in an effort to exploit these men? The financial rewards would have made it a tempting prospect, while patriotism may also have seen some willing to take any measures necessary to procure Union recruits. Intriguingly, Brendan’s investigations into the Bliss, Ward and Rosevelt glassworks–where the men were ostensibly coming to work–has revealed some tantalising and compelling links. The “Rosevelt” was most likely Theodore Roosevelt Senior, father of the future President. Roosevelt Senior, George Bliss Junior and George Cabot Ward were all part of a special committee of the Union League that formed in 1864 to assist with recruitment into the Second Corps (at the request of Winfield Scott Hancock). The majority of the men who entered the army from the Great Western ended up serving in the Second Corps. Roosevelt, Bliss and Ward were also members of the “Hancock Exemption Committee” which oversaw issues regarding substitution. Furthermore, Bliss was the former legal partner of Francis Barlow, who had held joint command of the 61st and 64th New York in 1862, and commanded the 1st Division of the Second Corps (which included the 64th) during the Petersburg Campaign. Many of the men from the Great Western enlisted in the 64th New York.

Another member of the Union League was Charles H. Marshall, owner of the Black Ball Line (and the Great Western) who was the author of the letter that informed men in Britain and Ireland that Rosevelt and the others would pay their passage to work in the glassworks. Were the connections of all these major figures with elements of the Great Western story coincidental, or were they in some way involved in procuring these men for Union service? If the latter, what were their motivations? And just how commonplace might this activity have been? These are all fascinating questions, and ones we will hope to return to in future posts.

If you have enjoyed this and other posts and resources on the website, please consider supporting my work on Patreon. You can do so for as little as $1 per month, and gain access to exclusive content. You can find out more by clicking here or visiting https://www.patreon.com/irishacw

The passenger manifest from the Great Western. The name of James O’Brien appears at the bottom (National Archives)

References

James O’Brien Affidavit 19th January 1865.

New York Times 16th August 1864.

United States Department of State 1865. Papers relating to foreign affairs, accompanying the annual message of the president to the first session thirty-ninth congress.
(

Henry Whitney Bellows 1879. Historical Sketch of the Union League Club of New York.

Reorienting Perceptions of Irish American Service– A Case Study of New York Zouaves at Second Bull Run

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Historically, we have tended to view the Irish American experience of the Civil War through the lens of ethnic formations such as the Irish Brigade and Corcoran’s Irish Legion. Yet of the c. 250,000 ethnic Irishmen who donned Union blue during the fighting, only a tiny proportion did so in such regiments. As I am wont to stress, we need to raise our view beyond these ethnic units if we want to gain a fuller, more complete understanding of how Irish America experienced the conflict, and responded to the war as it developed. In order to demonstrate this, I want to examine the desperate struggles of a single, small Federal brigade during one day of battle from an Irish perspective. This brigade contained no Irish units– yet their list of dead was laden with Irish Americans. The battlefield I have selected is that of Second Bull Run. Fought in late August 1862, few “ethnic” Irish regiments suffered major losses there. Yet the scale of involvement of men drawn from major urban areas–particularly New York City–guaranteed it was a devastatingly costly experience for Irish America. This was nowhere truer than on the portion of the field held by the 5th and 10th New York Infantry.

Men of the 10th New York “National Zouaves” at Fortress Monroe (Cowtan)

The afternoon of 30th August 1862 found the small brigade of Colonel Gouverneur K. Warren located near Groveton, deployed in support of Lieutenant Charles Hazlett’s Battery D of the 5th United States Artillery. Warren’s command consisted of c. 1050 men of the 10th New York Infantry, known as the “National Zouaves”, and the 5th New York Infantry, known as “Duryée’s Zouaves”. Neither of them were “Irish” units. Rather their formation was strongly influenced by the Zouave craze that swept through the North in the wake of the charismatic Elmer Ellsworth, immediately prior to the conflict. While we don’t view them as “Irish”, as with dozens of other Federal units geography guaranteed a strong Irish representation within their ranks. Both regiments had primarily recruited in Manhattan, home to the largest ethnic Irish community in the United States– a community that would be proportionately over-represented within the Union military. (1)

The position of Hazlett’s Battery on the Second Bull Run battlefield, 30th August 1862. The 5th and 10th New York Infantry were positioned in the area where the modern woods are located beyond the artillery piece (Damian Shiels).

As the 30th August 1862 wore on, it looked as if Warren’s brigade may escape serious fighting. Six of the 10th New York’s ten companies were deployed as skirmishers facing west on Lewis Lane, where they were involved in some desultory exchanges with their Rebel counterparts. Suddenly, a little after 4pm, their enemy stirred. The grayclad skirmishers began to surge forward, followed moments later by an overwhelming Confederate battle line. Where all had seemed relatively calm just moments before, Warren’s small brigade was now facing into the teeth of a massive Rebel assault. With battle flags and banners arrayed along their lines, thousands of Longstreet’s Corps bore down on the New Yorker’s position. Leading the Southerners into the fray were the famed fighters of the Texas Brigade. (2)

Looking beyond Hazlett’s position to the west and towards the crossroads at Groveton. The road just visible in the middle distance running from right to left was Lewis Lane, where skirmishers of the 10th New York first came face to face with the massed Confederate assault (Damian Shiels)

The sight must have been awe-inspiring and terrifying in almost equal measure for the men of the 10th. It’s unlikely that in the mere seconds before contact their minds had a chance to turn to home, but plenty of them may have spent time earlier that day conjuring images of family and friends back in New York. Former machinist John Johnston had likely thought of his young 21-year-old wife Catherine (née Duggan), whom he had wed just over two years before. The couple had not yet started a family by the time John had marched off to war. Sam McMullen would have worried for his daughter’s future. Like many step-migrants, he had spent time in England, where he married fellow Irish emigrant Sarah Reed in Liverpool in 1854. They had emigrated to New York in 1855 aboard the City of Mobile, but their American dream soon withered on the vine. Perhaps sparked by the death of their baby daughter Margaret, the couple’s relationship began to collapse. A second daughter, born in May 1858, had also been named Margaret “in memory of the first child.” After Sam had enlisted, Sarah moved in with another Irish emigrant, named Charles Duffy. The New York Zouave had discovered her adultery when he went home on furlough at Christmas 1861. The breakdown of the family complete, the couple’s young daughter had gone to live with a friend of Sam’s, the girl having apparently been “abandoned” by her mother. Such was the sorry situation for the McMullens as the Rebel yell pierced the air and descended on the 10th New York skirmishers. Neither Johnston or McMullen would survive contact with the Texas Brigade. For them and the rest of the National Zouaves, there was “barely time to discharge their pieces once before the rebels were almost upon them.” Their efforts at orderly retreat to the main line quickly turned into a mad dash for safety, with screaming Rebels thundered after them. (3)

Alfred Waud’s sketch of the ordeal of the 5th and 10th New York at Second Bull Run on 30th August 1862 (Library of Congress)

As the 10th’s skirmishers scrambled for the dubious safety of the main line, they partially blocked the field of fire of the hastily assembled 5th New York’s left, who’s view of events was already obscured due to a wood in their front. The 10th’s reserve companies moved into line beside the 5th, in an effort to extend the position and to give their fleeing skirmishers a rallying point. Nonetheless, given what the 5th were facing, they had little choice but to commence firing before the last of their brigade comrades were clear. With the Confederates threatening to engulf the position, the 5th opened up. An officer of the 10th felt he and his men “could not blame them [the 5th], for the ‘rebs’ followed us up so close in line of battle that they were fairly upon our heels.” More of the skirmishers fell, while many others kept running. The shock of the assault and converging Confederate fire quickly threatened the complete collapse of the 10th. Color Sergeant William Duff, the son of Irish emigrants who had married in St. Patrick’s Cathedral in 1837, crumpled under the regimental flag. He died nine days later while being evacuated to Alexandria aboard the steamer Knickerbocker. The regimental standard was seized by Sergeant Daniel Dougherty, who was immediately “riddled by bullets”, succumbing 18 days later in a Washington D.C. hospital. Ultimately, the colors fell into the hands of the 18th Georgia Infantry. Irish Americans were dropping everywhere. John “Tailor” MacHale–his nickname apparently an allusion to the profession that employed so many of the New York Irish–was another to be gunned down. The fighting was so ferocious, so confused, and so quick, that few knew just who was left dead or alive. William Johnson hadn’t witnessed the fate of Irish Sergeant Alexander Finlay, but was told that evening by another soldier that he had seen the Irishman “in the fight and…that he saw him killed the person[‘s] name who told me I can[not] recollect. It was generally understood in the Regiment that…Finly was killed in that Battle.” Finlay, who effectively disappeared in these catastrophic few minutes, had married fellow Irish emigrant Nancy McQuillan when they were both 21 in 1857. His death left his young widow to care alone for their four-year-old son Alexander Junior. (4)

The Monument to the 10th New York, located where they fought on 30th August 1862 (Damian Shiels)

Enveloped in front and increasingly on flank, the 10th’s defence inevitably collapsed. They began to stream away to the east across Young’s Branch and towards Chinn Ridge. Some managed to drag the occasional wounded man with them. One of those lucky few was Corporal Hugh Reilly, from Castlerahan, Co. Cavan. His parents had married there in 1836, emigrating when he was a baby in 1842. Another with a troubled home background, his parents were effectively estranged, with Hugh’s mother Mary Ann accusing his father Charles of periodical abandonment through the 1850s and 1860s. Hugh’s father was also a Union soldier, having lied about his age to serve in the 1st New York Engineers. His son Hugh’s battlefield reprieve was shortlived. He died from his injuries nine days after the battle. 20-year-old Thomas McAvoy was similarly taken from the field, and similarly had challenges at home. His parents had married in Galway in 1842, and after his father’s death his mother Mary had remarried. Her new husband had soon abandoned her and her young family before the war. Thomas hung on until 24th October 1862. The next month Mary received the following letter:

U.S. General Hospital

Prince St. Alexandria Va.

Nov 21 1862

Dear Madam

I opened your letter received this day i[n] order to return and answer it. Your son Thomas McAvoy (Private Co F 10th NY Vols) died at this Hospital Oct 24th 1862 from the affects of a gunshot wound and was buried near Alexandria

Yours Resptly

Your Obedient Svt

A.R. Carson

Hospital Steward

U.S.A. (5)

The building that served as Prince Street Hospital in Alexandria, Virginia during the Civil War. Thomas McAvoy died here from wounds he sustained at Second Bull Run on 30th August 1862 (Damian Shiels)

Whilst bad enough for the 10th New York, the collapse of the National Zouaves was a disaster for the 5th. Already taking horrific losses, they were now subjected to a brutal enfilading fire raking their line. The ordeal for the 5th had begun to ramp up from the moment the 10th’s skirmishers had engaged the Confederate assault. Stray bullets began to slam into their main line. Pennsylvanian-born Irish American Patrick Brady “fell without saying a word…was dragged a few paces to the rear where he undid his body belt himself. He died there without a complaint.” Only moments passed before three Rebel regiments advancing behind the fleeing skirmishers started to pour lead into the Duryée’s Zouave’s line. It was the need to respond to this devastating onslaught that prompted the order to commence firing, despite the predicament of some of the skirmishers. Little wonder, as the enemy were now within 100 yards, and more and more of the brightly attired zouaves were beginning to crumple. One recalled the situation, as “the balls began to fly like hail from the woods…their fire directly increasing into one unceasing rattle, the air was full of deadly missiles; it was a continual hiss and sluck, the last sound telling that the bullet had gone into some man’s body.” (6)

A member of the 5th New York in their distinctive uniform (Library of Congress)

The near envelopment of the 5th caused what was, in very real terms, a slaughter. Among the many who faced it were classic representatives of ethnic Irish “step migrants”. These were those men born into Irish families in Britain and Canada who usually regarded themselves as ethnically Irish, but who tend not to be counted among the Irish American contribution to the war [the classic exemplar of this type of Irish American is Canadian-born Peter Welsh, of the 28th Massachusetts]. The most notable at Bull Run was Frank Spellman, a member of England’s Irish community. Frank had married Irish emigrant Fanny Doyle in Manchester in 1860 prior to their move to America. On 30th August 1862, the carver and gilder demonstrated the patriotic fervour that many recent ethnic Irish emigrants displayed in the cause of Union. Serving as Color Sergeant, Frank was struck seven times and was “bleeding from every pore” yet he succeeded in saving the regiment’s colors. Unfortunately, operations undertaken to save his life failed. A comrade remembered that “shot all to pieces at Manassas…he died trying to hum a hymn” [for another example of this form of patriotism, which played out only shortly afterwards on Chinn Ridge, see the story of Mike Brady, Color Bearer of the 75th Ohio, here]. (7)

Irish American Frank Spellman of the 5th New York (Davenport)

The 5th New York’s line began to dissolve, but some refused to yield. Six foot two inch Sergeant William McDowell from “Kilmoor” in Ireland (possibly Co. Wexford), a former bartender and fireman with New York’s Washington Truck Company No. 9, had been struck in the torso but kept his place when he might have sought relief in the rear. Although he supported his widowed mother back in New York, in the heat of battle his commitment to duty remained paramount. He was soon felled where he stood, taking a bullet to the forehead. John Hearn was another who faced the torrent of death flung at the New Yorkers. His widowed mother Bridget waited for news of her youngest son more than 5000 km away in Raheen, Co. Waterford. Her son had been a coachman in New York for four years prior to joining up, and had regularly remitted money across the Atlantic to her. This was something he continued from the ranks of the zouaves, but all aid stopped when his lifeless body slumped to the ground on the little knoll where the 5th made their stand. (8)

The National Park Service information panel at New York Avenue, where the 5th and 10th New York fought (Damian Shiels–Click to Enlarge)

Those who could escape from this “Vortex of Hell” attempted to do so, following on the heels of the 10th New York. How far Patrick Bergen, got–if he got anywhere–remains unknown. The Moyne, Co. Tipperary native had emigrated to America with his parents, but his end came at Second Bull Run. His twin brother Martin was then serving with the 62nd New York Infantry. Martin afterwards claimed that when the 5th was falling back from Bull Run he met them and asked the adjutant about his brother. He was told his twin had been killed and that “the enemy had his body.” Inquiries with other members of the regiment confirmed this news. Their father, who had been partially blinded and permanently disabled by a gunpowder explosion and rock fall during an 1854 quarry blast, received a pension based on Patrick’s service. (9)

The National Park Service information panel detailing the Confederate Counterattack that assailed the Zouave position. The monuments of the 5th and 10th New York are visible in the background (Damian Shiels-Click to Enlarge)

Incredibly, the experience of the 5th and 10th New York Zouaves lasted less than ten minutes. The disparity in numbers between attackers and defenders insured that the casualties were simply breathtaking. According to the regimental history of the 10th New York, in a “cleared space of five or six acres…the bright red uniforms of Duryee’s Zouaves, and the blue blouses of our own regiment, covered the ground thickly.” The 10th New York suffered at least 37 fatalities during the engagement. The 5th New York’s losses were mind-boggling. Of their c. 550 men, 300 became casualties, at least 120 being killed or mortally wounded. Their suffering represents the greatest number of fatalities sustained by a Union regiment in a single battle during the entire Civil War. (10)

The monument to the 5th New York Infantry, Duryée’s Zouaves, on the Second Bull Run battlefield. It was placed where the colors had stood during the engagement (Damian Shiels)

Beyond looking at some of the personal stories associated with Irish Americans in the Zouaves, I wanted to gain some insight into just how many of the killed and mortally wounded were drawn from Irish American communities. With this in mind I turned to the fatalities named in the regimental histories and analysed each of the names using a combination of nativity data and surname analysis. Given the fact that many Irishmen carried surnames that were not distinctly “Irish”, this method almost always underestimates Irish ethnicity. It should also be noted that the lists provided in the regimental histories are not entirely accurate. Nonetheless, this approach does allow us to gain an impression of just how an action such as this–one that did not involve “Irish” units–could impact the ethnic Irish.

10th New York Infantry “National Zouaves

Of the 37 men of the 10th listed as killed or mortally wounded, 17 of them–just under 46%–have indicators of Irish American ethnicity (Table 1).

REGIMENTCOMPANYTOTAL LOSTIRISH AMERICAN?
10 New York InfantryA71
10 New York InfantryC51
10 New York InfantryE11
10 New York InfantryF31
10 New York InfantryG32
10 New York InfantryH41
10 New York InfantryI95
10 New York InfantryK55
3717

Table 1. Potential Irish American fatalities in the 10th New York at Second Bull Run (Damian Shiels)

5th New York Infantry “Duryée’s Zouaves”

The 5th New York had less of an Irish American character, but still contained significant indicators of Irish American ethnicity. Of the 123 men compiled in that list, at least 29 of them were Irish Americans, almost 24% of the total, or one in four (Table 2).

REGIMENTCOMPANYTOTAL LOSTIRISH AMERICAN?
5 New York InfantryA50
5 New York InfantryB174
5 New York InfantryC142
5 New York InfantryD132
5 New York InfantryE164
5 New York InfantryF112
5 New York InfantryG144
5 New York InfantryH93
5 New York InfantryI126
5 New York InfantryK112
5 New York InfantryUnknown10
12329

Table 2. Potential Irish American fatalities in the 5th New York at Second Bull Run (Damian Shiels)

As outlined above, there is little doubt that these totals underestimate the Irish American ethnic element among the Zouave dead. Despite this, a little less than one in every two of the 10th New York’s fatalities, and a little less than one in four of the 5th New York fatalities were likely Irish American. This translates into almost 50 dead, creating a ripple effect that would have impacted and influenced hundreds among New York’s Irish American community.

An open field at the time of the battle, the men of the 5th New York descended this slope towards Young’s Branch as they sought to escape the slaughter in the “Vortex of Hell” (Damian Shiels)

The purpose of this “deep dive” into the fate of two regiments during a single afternoon of the war has been to demonstrate the centrality of such experiences–replicated hundreds of times across the 1861-1865 warzone–to the story of Irish American involvement in the conflict. The fortunes of ethnic Irish American formations dominated the small number of Irish American newspapers in operation during the Civil War, and had a disproportionate impact on contemporary Irish American opinion. Nonetheless, while extremely important, these ethnic regiments have been far too dominant in influencing how we perceive, discuss and remember Irish American involvement today. The engagements that truly rocked Irish American communities were those battles where regiments drawn from major urban centres– particularly from New York, Brooklyn, Philadelphia and Boston– suffered major losses. This was true no matter the character or “ethnicity” of the unit involved. Undoubtedly, there were few days worse for the New York Irish than those at the very end of the summer of 1862, near the old battlefield of Bull Run.

A postscript to the experience of these Irish Zouave is the story of another of their number, Martin Lawless. The Company I private was not with his comrades on the Bull Run battlefield on 30th August 1862. Yet it was also a day his family would remember. Martin’s parents had married in Rahoon, Galway in 1838. After their emigration, Martin’s mother died in New York in 1849. The boy headed out to work at an early age, going to a printing office at twelve, before moving to a porter’s position at 406 Broadway aged thirteen. In 1858 he relocated to New Haven, Connecticut to take up an opportunity as a clerk in a grocery store. But he was back in New York to become a National Zouave during the war, serving in the ranks until 6th August 1862. It was then, at Harrison’s Landing, that Martin took ill with Typhoid Fever. Hospitalised, he lingered on for 24 days, passing away in Newport News, Virginia on the very day that his friends and comrades were being gunned down in their droves near Groveton. It was not only Rebel bullets that brought death to Irish Americans during the American Civil War. Battles brought intermittent, intense, sharp shocks to these urban communities, but it was disease that sounded the constant low drumbeat of loss for Irish America through the great struggle of the 1861-65.

The grave of Martin Lawless, Hampton National Cemetery (Ron Stewart, Find A Grave)

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Appendix–Known and Probable Irish Americans KIA/Mortally Wounded with the 5th and 10th New York Infantry at Second Bull Run, 30th August 1862

NAMEREGIMENTCOMPANY
Bergen, Patrick5 New York InfantryB
Blake, Richard5 New York InfantryE
Bradley, John5 New York InfantryI
Brady, James5 New York InfantryE
Brady, Patrick5 New York InfantryG
Cabe, John5 New York InfantryI
Coleman, Denis10 New York InfantryI
Collins, Charles5 New York InfantryB
Dillon, Edward5 New York InfantryI
Dougherty, Daniel10 New York InfantryK
Duff, William10 New York InfantryI
Finlay, Alexander10 New York InfantryK
Flynn, William5 New York InfantryF
Foley, John10 New York InfantryC
Hannon, John5 New York InfantryI
Hearn, John5 New York InfantryI
Heffernan, John5 New York InfantryH
Johnson, John10 New York InfantryI
Kavanagh, George10 New York InfantryI
Kent, John5 New York InfantryH
Kerr, John5 New York InfantryE
Kiernan, Patrick10 New York InfantryK
MacHale, John10 New York InfantryA
Mahon, John5 New York InfantryD
Mallin, Henry10 New York InfantryE
McAvoy, Thomas10 New York InfantryF
McCarty, James5 New York InfantryD
McCauley, Denis5 New York InfantryC
McDowell, William5 New York InfantryG
McGeehan, George5 New York InfantryE
McGirr, Edward5 New York InfantryF
McKenna, Patrick5 New York InfantryB
McLoughlin, Charles10 New York InfantryK
McMullens, Samuel10 New York InfantryI
Milligan, John5 New York InfantryI
Mulkey, William10 New York InfantryG
O’Brien, Denis5 New York InfantryC
Plumb, Francis5 New York InfantryK
Reilly, Hugh10 New York InfantryG
Rooney, Thomas5 New York InfantryG
Ryan, Patrick10 New York InfantryK
Shannon, William5 New York InfantryK
Spellman, Francis5 New York InfantryG
Sullivan, John10 New York InfantryH
Ussher, James5 New York InfantryH
White, John5 New York InfantryB

References

(1) Hennessy 1999: 366-373, Pohanka 2012: 366-273; (2) Ibid., Cowtan 1882; (3) Johnston Pension File, McMullen Pension File, Cowtan 1882; (4) Hennessy 1999, Pohanka 2012, Cowtan 1882, Duff Pension File, Finlay Pension File; (5) Reilly Pension File, McAvoy Pension File; (6) Hennessy 1999, Pohanka 2012, Daveport 1879; (7) Ibid., Spellman Pension File; (8) Pohnaka 2012, Davenport 1879, McDowell Pension File, Hearn Pension File; (9) Bergen Pension File; (10) Cowtan 1882, Pohanka 2012;

Widow’s and Dependent’s Pension Files of the 5th and 10th New York Infantry.

Cowtan, Charles W. 1882. Services of the Tenth New York Volunteers (National Zouaves) in the War of the Rebellion.

Davenport, Alfred 1879. Camp and Field Life of the Fifth New York Volunteer Infantry.

Hennessy, John 1999. Return to Bull Run: The Battle and Campaign of Second Manassas.

Pohanka, Brian 2012. Vortex of Hell: History of the Fifth New York Volunteer Infantry.

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